Bend it like Britain?

After months of parliamentary ping-pong, the UK Parliament passed the “Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Act” in late April. Not even two weeks later, 66 persons were detained to be deported to Rwanda, and the FDA launched an unprecedented legal action before the High Court, claiming the Act conflicts with the Civil Service Code obligation to “uphold the rule of law and administration of justice.” By seeking to avoid the prohibition of refoulement, the Act undermines both core principles of the rule of law and disapplies fundamental human rights protections. This blog post discusses key provisions of the new Act, the concerns they raise and some remaining avenues for legal challenges.

Half-baked decision

Der Bundesgerichtshof hat kürzlich entschieden (BGH 1 StR 106/24), dass sein Begriffsverständnis zur „nicht geringen Menge“ im Betäubungsmittelgesetz (7,5 g THC) pauschal auf die wortgleiche Neuregelung im Konsumcannabisgesetz zu übertragen sei. Dies stellt eine nach Art. 103 Abs. 2 GG unzulässige Analogie dar und überschreitet damit die Grenze zulässiger Auslegung im Strafrecht. Denn eine nicht geringe Menge THC kann nicht mit einer nicht geringen Menge Cannabispflanzen, um deren Besitz es in der Entscheidung ging, gleichgesetzt werden.

A »Me too« Movement in the Equestrian Arena?

“Never look a gift horse in the mouth” is a well-known saying, yet the proverb might recently have gained new meaning.  Just before the recent World Cup finals in dressage and show jumping in Riyad, there were reports about horses with blue tongues in the dressage sport. These non-human athletes did not get enough air, presumably due to overly tight bridles and excessive pressure applied by their riders. Currently, animal protection is not sufficiently harmonized and enforced in the EU, but there are reasons to be hopeful. The EU should take the lead and require member States to implement comprehensive animal protection systems.

Climate, Constitution and Party Politics

Recent developments in Scotland in relation to climate targets have presented interesting questions for both constitutional and climate law.  After proudly announcing itself as a nation with world-leading targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and giving these legally binding status, now that it has been realised that the 2030 target will not be reached, that target has been abandoned.  In turn, this has been the catalyst for the break-up of the two-party arrangement that supported the government and the resignation of the First Minister who faced losing a vote of confidence.

Challenges to Georgia’s EU Integration: Is the Georgian ›Russian Law 2.0‹ contrary to the Georgian Constitution?

The so-called Euro-Atlantic provisions have been inserted into the Georgian constitution in 2018 and aim “to ensure the full integration of Georgia into the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization“. The Georgian draft law ‘On Transparency of Foreign Influence’, the so-called ‘Russian Law 2.0’, is likely to be contrary to those Euro-Atlantic provisions in the Georgian Constitution. Georgia has EU candidate status since late 2023. According to statements by EU representatives, the law is incompatible with Georgia’s EU aspirations. If the law is passed by Parliament, despite ongoing pro-Western protests in the streets of Tbilisi, it remains to be seen what the constitutional Court will make of it, and whether Russian influence can be contained by the Court, which is itself, under pro-Russian political influence.

The Autocratic Party-Structure of PiS

Political parties are the heart of every parliamentary democracy. This post aims to explore what categorises political party-structure as autocratic and postulates a reform of political parties in Poland as partially inspired by German legal solutions. Namely, the main executive body of the party must consist of at least three members elected no less frequently than every two years. Furthermore, all party members must be allowed to propose electoral candidates. Finally, decisions on party offices and electoral nominations must be carried out by a secret ballot.

Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz

Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz was an acknowledged scientist, a women’s rights activist, a politician, and a diplomat. Mostly known for being one of four women to sign the United Nations Charter in 1945 and assuring the inclusion of the rights of women in its preamble, she also played a vital role in attaining women’s suffrage in Brazil.

Doppelt hält besser

Der „Hüter der Verfassung“ muss besser behütet werden – darüber besteht in der aktuellen Debatte weitgehende Einigkeit. Der vorzugswürdige Lösungsweg besteht in einer intensivierten Einbindung des Bundesrats. Die Repräsentation der Länder sorgt für demokratische Legitimation des Gerichts und eignet sich als Ersatzventil für eine Richterwahl, die im Bundestag durch eine Sperrminorität blockiert wurde. Zudem ist die Einführung einer Zustimmungspflicht bei Änderungen am BVerfGG sachgerecht, um die Rechtsgrundlage des Verfassungsgerichts vor einer destruktiven Bundestagsmehrheit zu schützen.