Überleben. Ganz oder teilweise.
Grausame Wegmarken und die Zukunft von UNRWA.
Grausame Wegmarken und die Zukunft von UNRWA.
On the Past, Present and Future of UNRWA.
Am 26. Februar 2024 hat die Polizei die mutmaßliche Terroristin Daniela Klette festgenommen. PimEyes, eine KI-basierte, biometrische Gesichtserkennungssoftware, hatte Klette im Netz gefunden. Dieser Beitrag plädiert aus verfassungs- und unionsrechtlicher Perspektive dafür, dass der Einsatz von offensichtlich rechtswidriger Software wie PimEyes im Strafprozess ein Beweisverwertungsverbot begründet, das auch eine Fernwirkung entfaltet.
Resetting the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland after the Law and Justice Party's eight years in power is a Herculean task. However, the constitutional and political room for maneuver for the new government turns out to be quite limited.
Ende Februar hat die Polizei die mutmaßliche RAF-Terroristin Daniela Klette in Berlin festgenommen. Dies haben Hinweise ermöglicht, an die ein Journalist mittels der Gesichtserkennungssoftware PimEyes gelangt war – allerdings unter Verstoß gegen das Datenschutzrecht. Dass die Polizei die Hinweise verwendet, ist verfassungsrechtlich problematisch, denn sie selbst dürfte PimEyes nicht einsetzen. Dies hindert die Polizei aber nicht daran, aufgrund von Hinweisen durch Private, die PimEyes generiert hat, gegen bestehende Gefahren einzuschreiten und auch nicht daran, strafprozessuale Ermittlungen aufzunehmen.
Is the European Union once again about to duck the challenge of constitutional reform? Even the imperative of Ukraine’s accession does not impel the EU to strengthen its governance. The European Parliament has made formal proposals to change the treaty from unanimity to QMV. The Commission equivocates. The European Council simply sits on the dossier, looking for excuse after excuse. Worse, a new idea is being floated in Brussels that mixes bad law with bad politics. The ruse is to use Article 49 TEU, the accession clause, instead of Article 48. I explain here why this approach will neither help Ukraine nor salvage the Union’s self-respect.
I chose for years to consider migrations and borders from a pluridisciplinary perspective. Such a pluridisciplinary approach reveals to be demanding: it needs both to be developed with discipline, and to be opened to wanderings. You have to accept to be confronted with personal controversies, to be faced with internal discourse on the method.
Through the representations of Europe that it conjures up and conveys, the European Court of Justice significantly influences the EU’s self-perceived identity. In that sense, it contributes to the shaping of a European polity, i.e. a European political community united by shared representations about its history and identity.
Whereas law-in-context analyses of Community law were relatively rare in the early 1990s, they seemed to flourish from that point onwards. Unsurprisingly, even “mainstream” journals, such as the Common Market Law Review, now strive to attract pieces that combine legal analysis with social, political or economic insights. Does that mean that we are all “contextualists” now? Not in my view.
The African continent is currently witnessing the creation of the largest regional free trade area in the world. The African Continental Free Trade Area represents a significant milestone in Africa’s socio-economic development. However, this development is also significant in another respect: A recently adopted special Protocol on Women and Youth in Trade has the potential to blaze the trail for gender-transformative intra-African trade. The protocol thus confirms a general trend in international economic law to acknowledge and address the gendered nature of trade.