Before the Storm
Elections and pathways into authoritarianism.
Elections and pathways into authoritarianism.
In May 2024, in the case of Bala, the ECtHR issued another decision concerning the vetting of the judiciary in Albania. This time, the Court decided that the state’s ban on a judicial advisor, who resigned instead of undergoing the integrity vetting process, from entering high public offices for fifteen years does not violate the ECHR. While the ECHR does not explicitly articulate the right to free choice of occupation or the right to equal access to public offices, this article demonstrates that even under these two rights, the limitation in question is likely proportionate. However, legislators would be wise to consider less intrusive options as well.
On July 8th, 2024, the Supreme Court of India ruled on a case challenging the movie "Aankh Micholi" for allegedly reinforcing harmful stereotypes about disabilities. The Court declared that “disabling humor” which demeans persons with disabilities would not be fully protected as freedom of speech. While the judgment provided an in-depth analysis of creative freedom and the rights of persons with disabilities, it stopped short of issuing binding directives, thus lacking the teeth necessary to effect meaningful change in how disabilities are portrayed in media.
Last month, in Nipun Malhotra v. Sony Pictures Film India Private Ltd, the Indian Supreme Court delivered an opinion on the limits of protected speech under Article 19(1) of the Indian Constitution. While the opinion touched upon several important aspects of the free speech right, it is replete with behavioral guidance, and its language makes it hard to discern the binding legal principles. I argue that courts should approach cases involving hard questions of constitutional law with extreme caution in terms of their potential implication on the growth (or absence) of a consistent doctrine.
GDPR provides the rulebook for international transfers of personal data from the EU and serves as the vehicle through which EU data protection law interacts with the wider world. However, the EU seems ambivalent about deciding how far it can expect third countries to adopt data protection standards similar to its own. Moreover, DPAs often fail to scrutinize data transfers to third countries that may lack the rule of law. Finally, the EU lacks a comparative methodology for assessing data protection equivalence in third countries. It is essential for the EU to elevate the public discourse so that the global significance of data transfers is recognized.
With the third review of the EU Common Position on Exports of Military Technology and Equipment (EU Common Position) well underway, there is a critical opportunity to align this document with international instruments that incorporate gender considerations in the arms trade. In light of this, the post examines the increasing integration of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) within arms trade legal frameworks and calls for the EU Common Position to explicitly reference gender beyond its already present human rights considerations.
Hungary’s persistent rule of law and corruption shortcomings have led the EU to freeze EUR 27.8 billion in funding under various conditionality regimes. Prime Minister Orbán, who relies on these funds to maintain his political machinery and reward loyalists, has wielded Hungary’s veto in the Council to unlock this funding. Moreover, Hungary adopted the Act LXXXVIII of 2023 on the protection of national sovereignty (Sovereignty Law), which sets up the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO), a state entity created to defend Hungarian sovereignty. This post examines the Sovereignty Law and calls the EU to effectively halt the SPO’s activities and prevent this model from spreading elsewhere.
In a recent contribution to this platform, Kai Ambos, Stefanie Bock, and a number of other distinguished German scholars have presented a compelling and highly topical plea for a consistent and effective application of the Rome Statute "without fear or favour" by Germany, one of its 124 States Parties. A similar risk of selectivity concerning the question of cooperation with the ICC can be observed in the present public and political discourse in Austria. I argue that an 'à la carte' approach to cooperation with the Court in matters of arrest and surrender, as partially indicated in the current debate, is untenable when adopting the ICC's recent jurisprudence on the horizontal inapplicability of head of State immunity, irrespective of the prevailing political circumstances.
In June 2024, the International Humanitarian Fact-Finding Commission (IHFFC) announced that it had been mandated to investigate an incident in the Gaza-Israel conflict. Often dubbed “the Sleeping Beauty”, the IHFFC conducted its first investigation in 2017, twenty-six years after its establishment in 1991. Despite being sidelined for almost three decades, the IHFFC has the potential to reinvent itself as a crucial tool for monitoring compliance with international humanitarian law.
Israel’s long-standing debate over ultra-Orthodox Yeshiva students conscription has reached a critical juncture in June 2024. The Israeli Supreme Court not only declared the absence of a legal basis for a broad and overall exemption for Yeshiva students but also introduced a remedy that I claim might be controversial: the suspension of state funding for Yeshivas whose students are subject to conscription but refuse to comply with it. This marks a significant shift in the Court’s approach to enforcing equality in military service and the rule of law.