On 21 June 2024, the High Court of Namibia in Friedel Laurentius Dausab vs. The Minister of Justice unanimously held that laws criminalizing same-sex relationships are unconstitutional and invalid. The judgment significantly advances anti-discrimination law jurisprudence in Namibia, particularly in relation to the grounds of sexual orientation and the interpretation of constitutional equality provisions.
In June 2024, delegates undertook two-week-long negotiations at the UNFCCC Bonn Climate Change Conference. These meetings concerned the modalities of the newly instituted Loss and Damage (L&D) Fund and the provision of financial assistance to developing countries. In this piece, we reflect on the future interactions between the L&D Fund and litigations regarding L&D. We argue that these two phenomena must be seen as having a synergistic relation, effectively benefitting the Global South.
Last week, legal scholars from all over the world met in Freiburg at the ConTrans conference. On the one end of the spectrum, scholars like Woijcech Sadurski advocated for a revolutionary approach, simply dismantling the current Tribunal and re-building it from scratch. On the other end stands Adam Bodnar, who stressed the importance of legality in the transition process. In my view, EU law shines a possible way ahead – it can justify disregarding the Tribunal’s decisions and empower ordinary courts to assume the Tribunal’s jurisdiction. Eventually, this would lead to a decentralised constitutional review.
On the 1 July 2024, Hungary will start its second EU Council Presidency. In light of Hungary’s continuous breaches of the rule of law, questions have been posed whether the Presidency could be postponed or cancelled (also here). However, given the mere informal powers of the Presidency, I argue that the real damage is rather limited, especially because the Hungarian Presidency takes place just after the European elections. Finally, the Hungarian Presidency may even improve the connection of its citizens with the EU and show the best version of itself to the other Member States.
Every election season in India reignites a familiar concern: the pervasive influence of financial resources on the democratic process. While the Election Commission of India, in conjunction with the judiciary and various state apparatuses, consistently underscores the link between monetary power and electoral outcomes, a significant loophole persists. This blogpost examines that loophole: the unchecked power of surrogate advertising on social media platforms and uncovers the systemic failures that enable political parties to exploit these gaps, perpetuating financial inequalities in the democratic process.
Migration and border control are amongst the most pressing topics throughout the regions in this global super-election year. How to tackle this issue seems to be the million-dollar question and the urgency of this topic seemingly has pushed President Joe Biden – who previously pledged to reverse restrictive migration policies – to drastic measures. After failed attempts to pass a bipartisan immigration deal earlier this year, Biden is now in a race with Republican candidate Donald Trump to show a “tough stand” on the matter while ignoring core refugee law principles and arguably with little lasting effects on numbers of arrivals at the southern border.
In December 2023, China’s national legislature, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC), adopted the Decision on Improving and Strengthening the System of Recording and Review, a major bill aimed at reforming “recording and review” (R&R)—China’s system of parallel processes for resolving legislative conflicts. Under R&R, an enacting body—that is, a governmental body authorized to issue documents of a legislative nature—must file its legislation with the designated reviewing body for subsequent review. Some would give more teeth to the rectification process so that enacting bodies do not abuse the latitude they enjoy. How the new measures would work in practice and whether they would achieve the intended goals, however, remain to be seen.
A stress test for Taiwan's democracy.
Ongoing assaults by Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz administration on the rule of law in Hungary have produced manifold reactions, generally of depressingly limited effectiveness. Last week, on 13 June 2024, in Case C-123/22 European Commission v Hungary, the Court ordered a record lump sum payment of €200,000,000 and a penalty payment of €1,000,000 per day of delay until an earlier 2020 Court ruling is complied with. Hungary thus received a stinging reminder that the Court of Justice is not toothless when it comes to the rule of law.
On 17 June, Austrian Minister for Climate Action and Environment Leonore Gewessler voted in favor of the Nature Restoration Law in the EU Council of Ministers. Although a seemingly unspectacular thing for a minister to do, this set off a political scandal and constitutional dispute in Austria. This blogpost examines whether one of the most ambitious pieces of EU environmental legislation could be struck down by the Austrian federalist system and an angry coalition partner within it. It argues that, given that this is essentially an internal national dispute, an action for annulment before the CJEU does not appear to be the appropriate legal remedy and is unlikely to succeed.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters