Articles for category: AAA General

The Empire of Principle

The idea of Constitutionalism beyond the state perfectly matches the essentially non-political, economic arrangement that has clothed itself in political discourses of human rights, rule of law and democracy. The forms and procedures put forward by Kumm et.al. conceal the initial lack of substance and proximity with the life of Europeans and their daily dealings and the relations which the framework they were designed to merely formalize. The Union postulates the a-priori conditions of unity which do not dynamically (organically) emerge from within the heat of political life - unity appears as extraneous layers superimposed on the disarray of European communities. What remains, within the framework the European Union, is an expression without anything to express, devoid if not of meaning then of a connection to the sources of meaningfulness.

The EU’s limited justice capacities

The starting premise behind Europe’s Justice Deficit? is that we have to associate justice not only with the state, but also with sub- and supra-state entities. Considering the depth and breadth of European integration, the EU cannot escape our scrutiny; the EU is, as the editors remark, ‘clearly at the very least a potential agent of (in)justice’. One cannot but wholeheartedly agree with this starting assumption, but we should also acknowledge that it leaves a very important question unanswered: does the EU possess the same capacities for delivering (in)justices as other entities, in particular the state? Can we simply apply our justice vocabulary to the EU without even the slightest modicum of translation that takes into account the context within which the EU is situated? While it is not denied that the EU has the ability to deliver justice, it is suggested that there are limits to the EU’s justice capacities.

When asking, ›if there is justice deficit in Europe?‹ we should query the power of Member States

As the winds of populism blow across Europe, from the Algarve to Lapland and from the Irish to the Aegean Sea, it might be tempting to dismiss the return to nativism as a temporary and transitory vehicle of popular protest. However, as UKIP, Golden Dawn, Jobbik, the Sweden Democrats, Podemos, Syriza, Vlams Belang and True Finns all secure seats in local, regional, national and supranational assemblies, the questions mount about differential impact of the Euro crisis on comparative attractiveness of these political forces to national electorate over the idea of a unified and indeed just Europe. With populist parties advocating extremely diverse political agendas, they all reach out to their voters hushing them away from the political forces who have dominated the political scene during the years of plenty before the Euro crisis.

Cybertrolls in Straßburg: ein Urteil zwischen Himmel und Hölle

Was ist das Internet? Ist es ein paradiesischer Ort, in dem Meinungsfreiheit und demokratische Gleichheit in nie da gewesenem Maß gedeihen und die eben noch utopische Vision einer weltumspannenden Gemeinschaft freier und selbstbestimmter Diskursteilnehmer plötzlich in greifbare Nähe rückt? Oder ist es ein infernalischer Ort, in der Trolle, Cyberbullies, Spione und andere üble Gestalten auf die Jagd gehen, von jeder sozialen Kontrolle befreit ihren niedrigsten Instinkten freien Lauf lassen und die Welt in einem Spülicht aus Rassismus, Antisemitismus, Sexismus und Gewaltfantasien ersaufen lassen? Die Große Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte hat im Fall Delfi v. Estland über diese Frage sozusagen eine Abstimmung durchgeführt. Gestern (wahrhaftig ein Tag für künftige Geschichtsschreiber der europäischen Judikative) hat er das Urteil veröffentlicht. Ergebnis: Paradies 2. Inferno 15.

Nach dem OMT-Urteil aus Luxemburg: zwei Szenarien

Der Europäische Gerichtshof hat gesprochen: Die EZB durfte 2012 auf dem Höhepunkt der Eurokrise ihr berüchtigtes OMT-Programm auf die Spur setzen. So weit, so erwartbar. Die Frage ist jetzt: Was wird das Bundesverfassungsgericht mit dieser Antwort auf seine Vorlagefragen anfangen? Die Antwort hängt davon ab, wie der Senat mit seinem eigenen Vorlagebeschluss umgehen wird. Dazu zwei Szenarien:

European Justice for Migrants and Refugees

By enlisting transport companies in migration control, and denying visas to refugees, the EU is complicit in the grotesque scenes in the Mediterranean Sea: Those fleeing cannot board regular flights and ferries, for lack of visas and as carriers face sanctions if they allow them to board. We are willing to spend billions on rescue at sea, but not provide safe means of access to refugees. Those most in need, including those whose needs we would recognize by offering asylum, risk their lives to reach the relatively safety of the EU. Unjust? Unethical? Indecent? Cruel? All of these, surely.

Taking the European Court of Justice up on its Name

Recognising “justice” as inherently contestable, one might raise the more specific question what role the European Court of Justice has in (re)assuring justice in Europe, and whether the Court, insofar as it possesses a distinct role in that regard, succeeds in promoting justice. The avalanche of criticism at, amongst others, Laval, McCarthy, Dereci and, most recently, Dano, represents a deep belief that the European Court of Justice should not betray its name. In the knowledge that we fiercely disagree about what justice entails, however, it is not easy to substantiate the Court’s role and scope of responsibility.

On Europe’s justice deficit, and how to reduce it

The main obstacle nowadays to communities that are perceived as such is the level of inequality that we have reached in our societies. Tony Judt, before he died, wrote that I cannot perceive someone as a member of my community if the distance of my income to his is too big. Taxation is what we need and what we can use. But this requires something beyond of what Europe can do.

Kuscheln mit Orbán, oder: Gentlemen, in fact, do disagree about facts

Ein Expertenausschuss der DGAP unter Leitung von Klaus von Dohnanyi will die kritische Berichterstattung vieler Medien über Ungarn mit Fakten widerlegen. Das misslingt und wirft die Frage auf, woher die Neigung vor allem vieler altgedienter Sozialdemokraten rührt, jeden noch so empörenden Angriff auf Menschenwürde, Demokratie und/oder Rechtsstaatlichkeit zu etwas herunterregeln zu wollen, was sich mit genügend Sachkenntnis und Dialogbereitschaft schon irgendwie aus der Welt schaffen lässt.

Maybe we just don’t like the Justice we see…

If the economic advancement of the lender states is at least in part attributable to the access to the markets of the debtors, then the latter have a right to solidarity and political redistribution of economic benefits. Building solidarity – as a basis for political redistribution – in Europe from such premises would not be impossible: it is very much in contrast with the self-righteous attitude adopted by lender states today, and condoned by much of mainstream economic theory.