»Competitive Victimhood« in Poland

The introduction of a legal component into the already complex and emotionally charged mosaic of memory in Poland, instead of calming and ordering the disputes, seems only to reinforce antagonistic attitudes, whether on the Polish, Jewish or Ukrainian side. In such a situation, the law can become a weapon both for and against historians and politicians alike, but it can also harm the witnesses of history, the still living victims of past crimes, or their relatives.

Memory Laws and Colonial Reckoning in France and the Netherlands

While France embraced the formal regulation of historical memory regarding its colonial past nearly two decades ago with the adoption of a law by its parliament, the Netherlands has opted for more symbolic recognition on behalf of the head of state. The essay argues that, despite neither approach being capable of fully satisfying all sides in the debate on how to frame colonialism in the present, the Dutch model is notably less problematic concerning its impact on freedom of expression, adherence to the rule of law, and the fit towards a unique set-up of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

The Diversity of Legal Governance of Memory in Europe

Memory laws pose a set of distinct challenges for modern democracies, including in the realm of human rights law. In the four reports, conducted during the MEMOCRACY project, we took stock of the dynamics, trade-offs, and the effects of legal governance of historical memory in a region ridden with mnemonic conflicts. This contribution distils the most interesting comparative findings of the reports, namely the fact that the countries’ own and foreign experiences with totalitarianism are legally and politically approached very differently. On this basis, we sketch the consequences and challenges of these fundamental differences, both for the establishment of a “European memory” and the various states’ approaches to modern geopolitics.

Omnipresent History

Present-time politics are, to an unprecedented extent, shaped by struggles over how to remember the past: Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine is led in the name of history; Germany’s wrestling with the war in Gaza is largely determined by its memory of the Holocaust, to give just two examples. However, historical narratives have not only swept into politics, but also into law.

Elon Musk’s Wake-up Call for Europe

Viewing Elon Musk’s recent forays into (electoral) politics in Europe primarily as a geopolitical wake-up call to European leaders, our analysis focuses on the promise and relative weaknesses of law and policy solutions as well as institutional arrangements the EU has put in place to protect European democracies from foreign interference. The EU and its Member States must adapt quickly to the new international realities if they do not want to be norm-takers rather than norm-shapers on major international dossiers.

Countering the Tech Oligarchy

Seeing Elon Musk with Donald Trump at the latter’s inauguration, it would be tempting to single him out as a unique and overbearing threat to a range of EU interests, such as its online environment, election integrity and regulatory capacity. But that would be to miss the point of a larger trend; what Joe Biden has termed the “tech-industrial complex” is not limited to the US. It, and an associated worldwide oligarchy, is converging with ascendant ultra-nationalist political agendas to pose wide-ranging challenges.

The US Supreme Court and Plutocracy

Populist authoritarianism is a global phenomenon. However, the US is the only so-called consolidated democracy where its ascent has been eased by the systematic dismantling of legal limits on campaign donations. US elections are now not only the world’s most costly, but they are also directly subject to the inordinate influence of wealthy individuals and corporations. The Supreme Court of the United States’ 2010 Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission ruling has paved the way for the emergence of so-called “super” PACS (political action committees) that, while formally barred from coordinating with candidates or parties, can accept unlimited corporate contributions.

Democracy or Domination

The urgency of Europe’s creep towards plutocracy calls for a similarly urgent response. Competition law, given its history and potential as a tool of anti-domination, is a natural fit to protect and revitalise democracy in Europe from the threats posed by excessive concentrations of private power. For it to be effective for that purpose, competition scholars must clearly articulate which democratic values, like non-domination, competition law should seek to pursue, and clear-mindedly design mechanisms through which to channel them.

Trump and the Folklore of Capitalism

How can we make sense of the return of Donald Trump, who again convinced enough US voters of his populist bonafides? Populist authoritarianism has made inroads around the world. Only Trump’s version, however, probably brings together so much wealth and power, with super-rich business executives now at the helm. Here I tap a brilliant but neglected book, The Folklore of Capitalism (1937), by the legal scholar and New Deal trustbuster, Thurman Arnold (1891-1961), to understand this remarkable development. Folklore of Capitalism helps explain Trump’s wide appeal, despite the electorate’s disagreements with many of his policy preferences.

Zuckerberg’s Strategy

On January 7, 2025, and in the days following, the founder and CEO of Meta, Mark Zuckerberg, made a series of statements that framed Meta's previous and future content policy with an evidently strategic intention. The change of content moderation policy, as described in three comprehensive points in his personal announcement on his own platforms, may even sound reasonable, as discussed below. However, the reasoning and the framing of these changes appear to show that Meta is up to something entirely different from just further optimizing its curation of content on its platforms.