Articles for category: EU

Pioniertat oder Bärendienst?

Immer häufiger erkennen nationale Gerichte der Natur eigene subjektive Rechte zu, etwa in Kolumbien oder Peru. Inspiriert davon unternahm das LG Erfurt in einem Urteil zu einem der „Dieselfälle“ vom 2. August 2024 nun den wenig überzeugenden Versuch, „Eigenrechte der Natur“ aus der EU-Grundrechtecharta abzuleiten: Rechte der Natur seien bei der Schadensbemessung „schutzverstärkend“ zu berücksichtigen. Dabei erweckt das Gericht fälschlich den Eindruck, die Betrachtung „der Natur“ als Rechtssubjekt sei bereits „common ground“. Damit trägt das LG Erfurt aber eher zum Gegenteil bei.

ByteDance v. Commission

The Digital Markets Act (DMA) is a revolutionary tool to regulate EU digital markets, it complements competition law by imposing ex ante obligations on the largest digital undertakings. The General Court judgement in the ByteDance case was the first test of the limits of this expediated enforcement and resulted in a remarkable win for the Commission. The Court dismissed ByteDance’s appeal against the European Commission’s decision to designate ByteDance with its social network TikTok as gatekeeper under the DMA.

Aristotle in the Commission

Today, the European Commission issued its fifth Annual Rule of Law Report (ARoLR). While this monitoring exercise has come a long way and has been significantly improved, the rule of law backsliding remains one of the most pressing issues of the EU. In the following I present seven recommendations how to improve the Commission’s monitoring exercise. At the core lies a differentiation between a democracy and a hybrid regime. Once a Member State qualifies as the latter, it must be treated accordingly.

A Union of Equality?

Last Thursday, Ursula von der Leyen, the new – and former – President of the EU Commission presented the ‘Political Guidelines for the next European Commission 2024-2029’, her ideas and priorities for the coming mandate. This blogpost will examine whether the Guidelines are living up to the scale of the gender-related concerns and challenges that are facing the Union, as Ursula von der Leyen promises. It identifies a shift in tone in the Commission’s pledges to promoting gender equality and outlines some proposals that the German Women Lawyers Association (djb) has advanced in order to help tackle these challenges.

Proximity, Amicable Settlements, and how the EU Guts GDPR Enforcement

The EU legislator is working on a new Regulation to modify the GDPR. Unfortunately, the reform features deeply troubling elements. It seeks to mainstream a controversial Irish approach to dealing with data protection complaints, namely “amicable settlements” between individuals and digital corporations. Further, and rather problematically, the reform foreshadows the end of the principle of proximity. Gutting – or at least eroding – the proximity principle should ring alarm bells for anyone concerned with effective judicial remedies in the EU.

Soccer Meets Geopolitics

Two competitions are currently predominating Europe’s agenda – the UEFA Euro 2024 in Germany and the brute reality of geopolitics. While the former will decide over Europe’s next soccer champion, outcomes of the latter will arguably shape whether Europe will champion the new geopolitics of the 21st century. To win this competition, we argue that the European Union (EU) does not need a unified military force, but rather a new defense commissioner who would act as a dual security manager, bringing together the EU’s global entanglements with its economic clout to enhance the military power of its Member States.

Putting the Record Straight About the Spitzenkandidaten 

In the last few weeks, a great deal of nonsense has been said about the concept of the Spitzenkandidat. Some accuse the European Parliament of a power grab, subrogating the lawful role of the European Council in choosing the new Commission President. Others trivialise the role of the Parliament and doubt the democratic credentials of the process. Many believe that the candidate must always be drawn from the largest party come what may. All these assertions are wrong. The election of the Commission President is a joint endeavour between Parliament and Commission, democratically legitimate, and fully in conformity with EU law.  

The Lighthouse of EU Law Shines on the Polish Constitutional Tribunal

Last week, legal scholars from all over the world met in Freiburg at the ConTrans conference. On the one end of the spectrum, scholars like Woijcech Sadurski advocated for a revolutionary approach, simply dismantling the current Tribunal and re-building it from scratch. On the other end stands Adam Bodnar, who stressed the importance of legality in the transition process. In my view, EU law shines a possible way ahead – it can justify disregarding the Tribunal’s decisions and empower ordinary courts to assume the Tribunal’s jurisdiction. Eventually, this would lead to a decentralised constitutional review.

Rule of Law Chickens Coming Home to Roost

Ongoing assaults by Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz administration on the rule of law in Hungary have produced manifold reactions, generally of depressingly limited effectiveness. Last week, on 13 June 2024, in Case C-123/22 European Commission v Hungary, the Court ordered a record lump sum payment of €200,000,000 and a penalty payment of €1,000,000 per day of delay until an earlier 2020 Court ruling is complied with. Hungary thus received a stinging reminder that the Court of Justice is not toothless when it comes to the rule of law.

Öffentlich-rechtlicher (G)rundfunk?

Nicht nur in den Kommentarspalten unter Social-Media-Posts von ARD und ZDF werden immer öfter Forderungen nach der Abschaffung des ‚zwangsfinanzierten‘ öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks (ÖRR) laut. Ähnliche Forderungen genießen auch im analogen Leben große Beliebtheit, vor allem bei Anhängern der AfD. Die AfD sieht den ÖRR als Instrument für „Indoktrination und Propaganda“, das in dieser Form abgeschafft gehört, Björn Höcke hat bereits die Kündigung des Medienstaatsvertrags (MStV) gefordert. Angesichts dieser Entwicklungen und der anstehenden Landtagswahlen in Thüringen, Sachsen und Brandenburg scheint daher die Frage zwingend: Sind die Strukturen des ÖRR gegen Angriffe von Rechtsaußen abgesichert?