Two graphic novels did Martti Koskenniemi pack for his summer vacations, plus several books about Heidegger, Thomasius and Christian Wolff, novels about Trieste and the parodies going on at academic conferences, and an Australian novel he finds increasingly hard to finish...
Ob die Fünfprozenthürde mit dem Grundgesetz, das gleiche Wahlchancen für alle vorschreibt, vereinbar ist, gehört zu den Klassikerfragen, die wohl jeder Jurastudent in irgendeiner Staatsrechtsklausur irgendwann mal durchgeprüft hat. Spätestens seit das BVerfG vor knapp zwei Jahren diese Hürde bei der Europawahl gekippt hat, ist das keine akademische Fragestellung mehr. Und schon gar nicht ist sie das seit letztem Sonntag. Noch nie hat die Fünfprozenthürde so viele Stimmen aus dem Prozess gefiltert wie diesmal. Fast fünfzehn Prozent der Wähler, in absoluten Zahlen knapp sieben Millionen haben ihr Kreuzchen für die Tonne gemacht – so viel wie die Einwohner Thüringens und ... continue reading
Does the draft agreement on the accession of the EU to the ECHR challenge the primacy of EU Law? Marten Breuer, unlike his colleague from Konstanz Daniel Thym, does not think so.
Beeinträchtigt das Abkommen für den Beitritt der EU zur EMRK den Vorrang des Unionsrechts? Anders als Daniel Thym hält Marten Breuer diese Bedenken für unberechtigt.
The negotiations for a draft agreement on the accession of the EU to the ECHR was quite successful – and yet the draft provokes a couple of questions, bringing us back to the original challenges to the primacy of Union law, which the CJEU has always been eager to deter. It might do so again: just before the summer recess, the European Commission referred the matter to the CJEU in Luxembourg, in Opinion 2/13 whether the Draft Accession Agreement falls foul of the EU Treaties.
Der Entwurf für den Beitritt der EU zur Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention steht. Aus EU-Sicht verliefen die Verhandlungen durchaus erfolgreich – und dennoch wirft der Vertragsentwurf eine Reihe von Fragen hinsichtlich des Vorrangs des Unionsrechts auf. Eben diese Fragen wird der EuGH alsbald zu beantworten haben: vor der Sommerpause verwies die EU-Kommission den Beitrittsentwurf nach Luxemburg, auf dass dieser im Gutachten 2/13 über die Vertragskonformität entscheide. Nach den EU-Verträgen dürfen völkerrechtliche Verträge, wie derjenige über den EMRK-Beitritt, nämlich nur in Kraft treten, wenn Sie mit den EU-Gründungsverträgen der vereinbar sind.
The Tavares Report, adopted by the European Parliament with a surprisingly large majority, provides a bill of particulars against the Hungarian government and lays out a strong program to guide European Union institutions in bringing Hungary back into the European fold. With the passage of this report, Europe has finally said no to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his constitutional revolution.
The EU Commission and the EU Parliament seem to be less ineffective than some expected in responding to deteriorations in democracy and rule of law within member states like Hungary. But will such selective pressure suffice? Jan-Werner Müller reports on the most recent developments in Brussels and, in a final contribution to Verfassungsblog's online symposium "Hungary – Taking Action", answers to the critics of his suggestion to install an independent "Copenhagen Commission".
Following the recent fascinating exchange in the ›pages‹ of the Verfassungsblog on what to do (or not) with Hungary given the current developments there it seems to be high time to return to the very basic question on the reasons behind the Union in Europe. The question of Europe’s raison d’être is as acute as ever now more than half a century into the project and is actively discussed for a good reason (eg de Búrca 2013). Answering this question is crucial – not only because such an answer could allow for a better legitimization – if not justification – ... continue reading
Hungary’s political development under the Orbán government is by now a familiar topic. In April Barroso confirmed the European Commission’s concern that Hungary’s new constitution infringe EU legislation and the rule of law. Indeed, some commentators speak of ›the corrosion of constitutional democracy‹ or even a possible dictatorship in the EU. Romania is another problematic case. Its slide towards authoritarianism has not been (yet) enshrined in a new constitution. But its 2012 political crisis has seen by some as a coup d’état, during which Ponta’s government aimed at removing all checks and balances on its power to impeach President Băsescu. ... continue reading
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters