Am 24. Juli 2025 fiel das Urteil gegen Yekatom und Ngaïssona und mit ihm ein Stück klassischer Dogmatik im Völkerstrafrecht. Unter Effizienzdruck setzte der IStGH auf Tempo, Kontext und strukturierte Gesamtschau statt auf starre Zurechnungs- und Beweisregeln. Ein Verfahren, das nicht nur Täter verurteilte, sondern auch Maßstäbe für die Rolle der Verfahrensführung in der internationalen Strafjustiz verschob.
Russlands Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine verletzt das Gewaltverbot der UN-Charta in aller Deutlichkeit, bleibt strafrechtlich allerdings bislang ungesühnt. Der Europarat und die Ukraine reagieren mit einem Sondertribunal, das hochrangige Verantwortliche für das Verbrechen der Aggression zur Rechenschaft ziehen soll – trotz politischer und verfassungsrechtlicher Hürden. Es bündelt internationale Unterstützung und setzt ein starkes Zeichen gegen Straflosigkeit bei Angriffen auf die internationale Rechtsordnung. Ein ungewöhnlicher Schritt, der das Völkerstrafrecht grundlegend herausfordert.
Mit der Ankündigung eines Haftbefehls gegen den israelischen Premierminister hat IStGH-Chefankläger Karim Khan den lange bestehenden Vorwurf selektiver Strafverfolgung offen aufgegriffen. Die internationale Strafjustiz steht vor der Herausforderung, ihre Maßstäbe zu schärfen und ihre Legitimität zu festigen. Das geplante Ukraine-Tribunal lenkt den Blick auf bestehende Asymmetrien – und auf das Potenzial für strukturelle Reformen. Ob daraus ein tatsächlicher Wandel erwächst, ist noch ungewiss. Doch der Anspruch auf Kohärenz im internationalen Strafrecht lässt sich nicht länger übergehen.
In an exclusive interview, our partner Agenda Estado de Derecho spoke with Osvaldo Zavala Giler, the first Latin American to assume the position of Registrar of the International Criminal Court, who grants us access to the fascinating and challenging world of international criminal justice. From the operational core of the Court, Zavala leads efforts to ensure that this institution, responsible for adjudicating the most atrocious crimes, operates effectively within an increasingly complex global landscape.
The arrest and transfer of Rodrigo Duterte to the ICC was certainly good news for the heavily beleaguered Court. But the price of getting Duterte could be considerable. The manifest entanglement with Philippine politics is likely to harden Southeast Asian skepticism towards international criminal justice. Existing fears of external politicization are enhanced with a scenario of internal political turmoil, reinforcing Southeast Asian hesitation toward the ICC.
It has been a year since Armenia acceded to the Rome Statute, marking a new institutional chapter for the country. The decision to join the ICC reflects Armenia’s desire to align with international standards of justice and accountability. However, it has yet to refer the situation regarding crimes committed against Armenians from the second Nagorno-Karabakh war to the ICC, largely due to significant political pressure from Russia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey.
On 21 November 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for the Israeli Prime Minister and the former Minister of Defence, for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes in the ongoing Israel-Gaza War. Equally contentious was the response of leading Western states – including Germany and France – who have questioned or openly rejected treaty obligations to enforce the warrants. This is a conspicuously fraught position for countries who previously welcomed 2023 ICC arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin in legally identical circumstances.
Germany, like any other State Party to the Rome Statute, would be obliged under international law, and would be capable under German law, to arrest any person against whom the ICC has issued an arrest warrant, be it President Putin or, in future, perhaps one of the Hamas leaders, Defence Minister Gallant or Prime Minister Netanyahu. The opposing view not only misrepresents the current state of international law, but it also contradicts the Nuremberg legacy, which must be upheld particularly by Germany.
Two years have passed since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine – an act of aggression which 141 states of the UN General Assembly (UNGA) condemned as such shortly after. This crime of aggression has brought unimaginable suffering to the people of Ukraine. As this blog will highlight in the following, a reform of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) concerning the crime of aggression is necessary and long overdue. The current jurisdictional regime leaves accountability gaps, which have become painfully visible in the past two years. Plausible suggestions for the reform are already out there – it ultimately “all depends on the political will” of the 124 ICC state parties.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters