What came to be generically known as “the rule of law crisis” in the European Union has led the European Court of Justice to add a new chapter to its own jurisprudential tradition. Since 2017, the Court has been laying the foundations for a jurisprudential paradigm shift in order to defend the integrity of the EU legal system and it can thereby rely on the functions that the EU Treaties confer upon it.
Zum wiederholten Male ist die Hoffnung der Euro- und EU-Kritiker enttäuscht worden, das Bundesverfassungsgericht würde der europäischen (Finanz-)Krisenpolitik einen Riegel vorschieben und vorschreiben, welche Eingriffsmittel in Krisenzeiten im Euroraum vielleicht recht, aber nicht mehr rechtens sind. In ihrer gestrigen Urteilsverkündung haben die Verfassungsrichter festgestellt, dass die Europäische Bankenunion weder die deutsche Verfassungsidentität verletze und dass die EZB auch nicht ultra vires handle.
For the first time, a Hungarian judge stayed proceedings to ask the CJEU preliminary questions about the independence of Hungarian courts. The questions concern the appointment of court presidents and the low salary of judges. The response of Hungarian authorities was quick: Within a week, the Prosecutor General requested the Kúria (Hungary’s Supreme Court) to review the reference with the possible effect of deterring other judges from asking similar questions.
Kein Thema dürfte im Moment derart präsent sein wie die Verteilung Schutzsuchender, die im Mittelmeer aus Seenot gerettet werden. Der Fall der Sea-Watch 3 und die öffentliche Diskussion über Moral und Recht hat die Dysfunktionalität aller bisherigen Ansätze, die aus Seenot geretteten Menschen innerhalb der EU gerecht zu verteilen, nochmals verdeutlicht. Die neuesten bekannt gewordenen Vorstöße scheinen jedoch ebenso wenig geeignet, endlich Klarheit in dieser immer wiederkehrenden Frage zu schaffen.
Since the beginning of 2018 the CJEU has finally been putting flesh on the bones of the EU principle of judicial independence. Most recently, the Court has been widely praised for its ruling against the Polish attempt of removing the, presumably, disloyal judges by a general measure of lowering their retirement age from 70 to 65. While the decision is indeed praiseworthy, it is nevertheless necessary to emphasize its notable doctrinal lacuna with potential negative practical implications – particularly in those EU member states with a weak democratic and rule of law tradition, a low degree of legal and political culture as well as with a small and tightly-knit legal elite.
The European Parliament started its new term with three empty seats. The Catalan politicians Carles Puigdemont, Antoni Comín and Oriol Junqueras got elected in the European Parliamentary elections of 26 May 2019 but the Spanish Central Electoral Commission did not include their names in the list which was notified to the European Parliament on 17 June 2019. The reason is that that they did not appear in person to swear or affirm allegiance to the Spanish Constitution, which is a formal requirement under the Spanish election legislation. The President of the EU General Court dismissed an application of Carles Puigdemont and Antoni Comín for interim measures by referring to the Spanish electoral law. Thereby, however, he completely ignored the EU citizenship dimension of the case.
The battlefield after the European Council summits is still coated with dust, but damages to Central and Eastern Europe and more specifically the Polish and Hungarian government are already visible. There will be no representative of the new Member States (those that entered the EU in and after 2004) among the top jobs. This result is also the consequence of the Spitzenkandidaten model which works to the detriment of smaller Member States and parties and undermines the EU’s basic pillars.
The nomination of Germany’s Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen is both a beginning and an end. It begins a new chapter for the European Commission with its first woman president. But also appears to mark the end of the Spitzenkandidaten approach to the selection of European Commission presidents. Indeed, all of the ‘lead candidates’ of the European political groupings were left empty-handed. If this is to be the demise of Spitzenkandidaten, will its passing be mourned?
Warum das Spitzenkandidatenkonzept vor seinen eifrigsten Befürwortern beschützt werden muss: Dass der Europäische Rat in einer politisch schwierigen und unübersichtlichen Lage von seinem verfassungsrechtlich vorgesehenen Vorschlagsrecht Gebrauch gemacht hat, ist kein Skandal und die europäische Demokratie wird daran nicht zugrunde gehen.
Carola Rackete, Kapitänin der Sea-Watch, droht ein Strafverfahren in Italien. Bei diesem Verfahren steht nicht nur für das italienische, sondern für das gesamte europäische Recht viel auf dem Spiel. Wenn ein weithin als moralisch richtig oder gar geboten angesehenes Verhalten sich als strafbar erweist, dann gefährdet das die Akzeptanz und Autorität von Recht.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters