Articles for category: Europa

Grundrechtswende zur Jahreswende

Das Ende des in vielerlei Hinsicht denkwürdigen Jahres 2020 hat Karlsruhe mit einer zukunftsweisenden Grundsatzentscheidung eingeläutet. Mit seinem kurz vor Jahreswechsel veröffentlichten Beschluss in Sachen Europäischer Haftbefehl III erkennt nun auch der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts die Unionsgrundrechte als unmittelbaren Prüfungsmaßstab der Verfassungsbeschwerde an. In einem begrüßenswerten und keineswegs selbstverständlichen Schritt schwenkt der Zweite auf die Linie des Ersten Senates ein.

Brot statt Böller

Der Zweite Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts hat in einem Beschluss vom 1.12.2020, der am heutigen Mittwoch veröffentlicht wurde, vor Abschluss dieses turbulenten Jahres noch einmal ein kraftvolles Zeichen gesetzt. Er folgt der neuen Linie des Ersten Senats aus dem Fall Recht auf Vergessen II und wendet nun ebenfalls unmittelbar die Charta der Grundrechte der Europäischen Union als Maßstab für eine Verfassungsbeschwerde an, wenn das Unionsrecht den Sachverhalt so dominiert, dass sein Anwendungsvorrang im Grundsatz auch die Grundrechte des Grundgesetzes verdrängt.

Conditionality Mechanism: What’s In It?

As from 1 January 2021 the Regulation on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union budget will become applicable. A lot has been said about the outcome of the negotiation process of this new regulation for which all parties involved claimed victory, as it is usually the case once an agreement is reached. We would like to take this as an opportunity to evaluate the outcome from the personal perspective of two people engaged in the process of the negotiations at opposite sides – the European Parliament on the one side and the Council of the EU on the other side.

Back to Start?

The UK won a major victory with the EU in the Draft EU-UK Christmas EveTrade Agreement: It got the EU to renunciate the so-called Ukraine mechanism which, in effect, would have made the Commission the UK’s watchdog. This has caused some “Brexit envy” in Switzerland as this mechanism is part of the Draft EU-Switzerland Institutional Agreement. With a “bullshit” campaign, former Foreign Minister Didier Burkhalter, however, has led Switzerland into a cul-de-sac, making it likely that the negotiations will have to go back to start.

Paradoxes and Dilemmas in Compliance and Enforcement

Scholars have relentlessly argued for tougher EU action against illiberal governments whose actions erode constitutional checks and balances. The panoply of EU tools is large and it comprises mechanisms for compliance via dialogue and engagement, the several infringement procedures and other ECJ cases with RoL implications, and procedures seeking enforcement. Yet, EU action remains inefficient since, to date, none of these mechanisms, jointly or individually, have been able to extract substantial compliance but rather what Agnes Batory called “symbolic and creative compliance” designed to create the appearance of norm‐conform behavior without giving up their original objectives. This poor performance reveals a crucial paradox on rule of law compliance: the EU is a community of law that lacks the last enforcement mechanism; i.e coercion.

The Whole Is More than the Sum of its Parts

The long-awaited Demirtaş v. Turkey (No 2) Grand Chamber judgment has finally been delivered, twenty two months after referral and sixteen months since the 18 September 2019 hearing.  The judgment, arguably the most important from the Grand Chamber in 2020, is highly significant for both political and jurisprudential reasons. Politically, the case concerns the ongoing deprivation of liberty of Selahattin Demirtaş – the former leader of the left-wing, pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), the second-largest opposition party in Turkey.

How to Quantify a Proportionate Financial Punishment in the New EU Rule of Law Mechanism?

The principle of a proportionate financial measure enshrined in the new EU rule of law mechanism should be informed by an improved EU Justice Scoreboard (EUJS) drawing on rule of law indices. Thereby, the sensitive matter of determining the amount could be supported also by quantitative data. This is important, because the Commission will face high political pressure when acting under the new rule of law mechanism.

Still Waters Run Deep

That lawsuits taken by a Hungarian human rights NGO can reach the CJEU swifter than those launched by the Commission is clear evidence that strategic litigation and determined advocacy can move mountains. At the same time, this is also a cause for great concern. It speaks volumes of the Commission’s reluctance to promptly and effectively go after a Member State that deliberately ignores and breaches EU law.

Institutionalizing Parallel Governance

On 15 December, the European Commission published its proposal for the Digital Services Act (DSA-P). One, if not the, major challenge for the regulation of social platforms is which and how content is disseminated as well as moderated on such platforms. At least when it comes to so-called very large online platforms like Facebook, YouTube or Twitter, the DSA-P’s path seems quite clear: Put platforms and the Commission in charge. In the construction of a new social order for online platforms State courts, prosecutors, law enforcement and state law as such are apparently no longer needed.