On Friday 31 July, the Cypriot parliament voted against the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada. This latest development in the ratification process of CETA illustrates perfectly how facultative mixity continuously frustrates our collective interest in seeing the development of a European public sphere by forcing the discussion on European issues in isolated national public spheres.
Racism is not limited to anti-blackness nor restricted to the context of policing; however, I use policing and blackness as touchstones for this commentary precisely because this constellation of race and law is consistently thought to present a problem exceptional to the United States. It is not. This article examines the case of police brutality. The nature of policing, not only in the United States but in many places in the world, and certainly in Europe, is such that holding police to account for the deaths of innocent people is not only statistically improbable, but it is designed to be legally impractical.
In diesen Stunden beraten die EU-Regierungschefs beim EU-Gipfel über den EU-Wiederaufbauplan und den EU-Haushalt. Die wirtschaftliche Wiederbelebung Europas ist aber nicht nur eine rein wirtschaftspolitische Frage, sondern auch eine menschenrechtliche. Wenn ein widerstandsfähigeres, sozial gerechteres und nachhaltigeres Europa das Ziel der Corona-Hilfen sein soll, wie das EU-Parlament und die EU-Kommission in den letzten Wochen immer wieder betonten, muss eine menschenrechtsbasierte Fiskalpolitik der neue Modus Operandi werden. Die Bewältigung der Corona-Pandemie bietet nun der EU und ihren Mitgliedstaaten erneut die Chance, wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Menschenrechte konsequent in die Fiskalpolitik zu integrieren, statt die Fehler nach der letzten Wirtschaftskrise zu wiederholen. Die Sicherung und Verwirklichung dieser Menschenrechte muss diesmal Leitgedanke der wirtschaftlichen Erholung werden.
The EU’s Whistleblowing Directive is supposed to protect whistleblowers comprehensively – but its strict implementation might do just the contrary: The protection of reporting persons would end up shattered and remain insufficient. Neither national security whistleblowers such as Edward Snowden nor persons reporting sexual offences would be protected under the Directive's provisions – to name only two protection gaps. Therefore, a “1:1 implementation” as discussed by the German Government is the wrong way. Quite contrary the implementation of the Directive should be seen as a chance to enact a comprehensive and all-encompassing national whistleblowing regulation.
In recent months, the European Court of Human Rights has communicated to the Government of the Republic of Poland several important cases concerning changes in the judiciary. Potential Strasbourg judgements may be important in containing further undermining of the independence of the judiciary and may complement measures taken at the European Union level.
The COVID-19 pandemic poses considerable challenges to democracies across the world. This is particularly apparent with regard to the holding of elections which states have approached in various ways. States face the following tension: On the one hand, the obligation to protect the rights to health and life requires states to limit the spread of the pandemic by reducing human-to-human contact. At the same time, these measures encroach upon the right to political participation. Against that background, an intricate balancing of the various interests in light of international human rights law seems necessary.
Bis zum 1. Juli 2020 findet nun in Russland die ursprünglich für den 22. April 2020 geplante, durch die Corona-Pandemie aber verschobene Volksabstimmung über die Verfassungsreform statt. Das Änderungsverfahren sagt viel aus über die Bedeutung der Verfassung im autoritär regierten Russland. Es zeigt auch den starken Zynismus in der russischen Verfassungspolitik und führt die Machtlosigkeit des politischen Gegners vor. Dies gilt auch für den Europarat.
The German Constitutional Court’s Weiss ruling has led to a major debate as to whether a national supreme court may disregard ECJ case law, asserting that the ECJ had acted ultra vires. Similar debates have existed for quite some time in the EFTA pillar of the EEA, consisting of Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. A relatively small but powerful group of lawyers in the Norwegian administration (led by the Government Attorney), orthodox dualist professors and judges loyal to the government has used Norway’s dominant position to attempt to redefine EEA law. One of the most effective strategies is the suppression of the notion of loyalty or good faith and its replacement by a strategy of creating “room for manoeuvre” (“RFM”) for Norway.
Spätestens mit dem PSPP-Urteil ist die „Rechtsgemeinschaft“ zu einem europarechtlichen Grundbegriff aufgestiegen. Die Berufung auf diesen Ausdruck ist ein theoretischer Reflexionsstop. Der Beitrag geht Sprachspielen nach und stellt aus rechtshistorischer Perspektive die These auf, dass unter „Rechtsgemeinschaft“ ein Primat der Praxis verhandelt wird.
On 18 June 2020, in the case of Commission v Hungary (Transparency of associations), the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice held that Hungarian authorities “introduced discriminatory and unjustified restrictions on foreign donations to civil society organisations” when it adopted a new legislation on NGO in 2017. How will the Hungarian government react? Six potential scenarios can be outlined from not doing anything (scenario 1) – an unlikely option due to the threat of pecuniary sanctions – to full and good faith compliance with the judgment resulting in the total repeal of the Lex NGO (scenario 6) – equally unlikely. Between these two, four additional ones may be foreseen.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters