The European Union and Climate Security
As the discourse linking climate change and security keeps on developing, the Union has positioned itself as a key player on the matter. Political and military realities however seriously hinder its action.
As the discourse linking climate change and security keeps on developing, the Union has positioned itself as a key player on the matter. Political and military realities however seriously hinder its action.
The contribution looks into what be be termed a paradigm shift in the field of asylum law, decisively away from a focus on the individual and towards harsh, indiscriminate measures, whenever ‘security’ so dictates.
In light of the increasingly established autonomous European constitutional legality, national constitutional courts are now compelled to reconsider their roles. Through a progressive expansion of its direct applicability by national ordinary judges, the Charter of Fundamental Rights risks fostering the marginalization of national constitutional courts. I argue that the solution lies in a highly differentiated consolidation of constitutional legalities that integrates and embraces the unique roles of national constitutional courts in their respective systems of adjudication.
The three seemingly trivial observations that follow inform three substantive proposals regarding the protection of fundamental rights within the EU. To address the challenges faced by national constitutional courts and the CJEU, it is essential to leverage existing procedural tools within domestic legal systems. Additionally, expanding the applicability of these versatile tools and considering a structural revision of the judicial bodies may facilitate the creation of hybrid entities that could collaboratively address major issues, thereby steering constitutional developments in the EU.
Das LG Erfurt hat in zwei Entscheidungen zu den sogenannten „Dieselfällen“ der Natur Rechte zugesprochen. Dabei geht es nicht nur um die Frage, ob die Natur denn nun wirklich Rechte hat. Die Entscheidungen betreffen auch die professionelle Rolle von Richtern – einen Aspekt, den meist nur die randständige Professionssoziologie oder der juristischen Berufs-ethik behandelt. Die Entscheidungen weisen darauf hin, dass solche Fragen in Zukunft mehr Aufmerksamkeit verdienen.
The US withdrawal from international institutions is a broader trend, not solely tied to Trump-era policies. Consequently, European governments that aim to preserve the rules-based international order should be prepared to take the lead and fill the gap left by the US exit. To pursue this strategy effectively, certain imperatives must be addressed.
Seit 2021 haben die Taliban über 80 Dekrete erlassen, um Frauenrechte in Afghanistan schrittweise einzuschränken: etwa den Zugang zur weiterführenden Bildung, zur Justiz und zum öffentlichen Raum. Australien, Deutschland, Kanada und die Niederlande streben nun eine Klage gegen Afghanistan vor dem Internationalen Gerichtshof an – wegen Verletzungen der UN-Frauenrechtskonvention. Der folgende Beitrag skizziert die Voraussetzungen für eine Klage und zeigt, dass das Verfahren internationale Solidarität signalisiert und politischen Druck auf Drittstaaten ausübt.
In 2024, Pakistan has moved in a decisively authoritarian direction. The civilian and military hybrid ruling coalition that came to power in 2022 is using electoral engineering and constitutional entrenchment to consolidate power in the face of popular discontent and resilient political opposition. This process of electoral and constitutional consolidation does not move forward unimpeded, without resistance, and requires capturing and coordinating state institutions. In this blogpost, I show that formal constitutional safeguards provided little protection against the hybrid regime’s capture and weaponization of electoral monitoring bodies.
In 2014, the European Court of Justice clearly prioritised the EU’s position on the unity and effectiveness of EU law over the protection of fundamental rights (Opinion 2/13). Ten years later, in October 2024, a judgment pitting football against the media seems to have turned the tables. In Real Madrid vs Le Monde, the Court held that excessive defamation damages may breach the freedom of the press and trigger the public policy exception. This is a significant shift, prioritising fundamental rights protection over the traditional objective of seamless judicial cooperation across the EU.
So, has the Charter come of age, now that it is nearing its quarter century, and has been binding in force for nearly 15 of those years. No longer is the Charter a “sleeping beauty”, and no longer are fundamental rights mere epiphenomena in EU law – offshoots framed in the amorphous category of “general principles of law” – creations of the EU’s earlier desire for legitimacy in its quest for greater integration. The EU Charter contains the essence of a common language, a currency that all can understand. And the EU is better with it than without it.