Wenn das Recht versagt, folgt der Krieg
Über eine einfache, aber grundlegende Forderung.
Über eine einfache, aber grundlegende Forderung.
Trump’s plans to impose "reciprocal" tariffs, announced in a Memorandum of 13 February, fundamentally contradict the existing rules of the world trade order, in particular the USA's tariff obligations and the principle of providing the same benefits to all imports and exports – known as the most-favoured nation (MFN) treatment. The absence of a bolder protest against this flagrant disregard of the law might be due to a shared understanding that the existing rules-based international economic order is in a deplorable state. The crucial question, therefore, is whether we should quietly accept its final abolition by someone with the power to do so, or rather set about repairing it. Now, tariffs may be a very mundane matter. But what is at stake here is the more general and fundamental question of international law today: how do we deal with rules that were created in better times and are now in danger of disintegrating?
Manifestos have very often prefigured constitutional crisis, revolution, the overthrowing of legal orders, and set the terms of what follows. Project 2025, or the 2025 Presidential Transition Project, can be read as a manifesto, and one that is now well on its way to being implemented. Examining it through the lens of constitution (re)making sets out some of the terms in which it could be opposed, including by counter-manifesto.
Lawyers love legal theories. President Trump’s unprecedented executive actions have reignited interest in theories about the U.S. Constitution, especially conservative ones. Is he working with an extreme conception of the unified executive theory, a strong version of “originalist” or even “post-originalist” legal reasoning, or will the “political question doctrine” dominate? These debates are fascinating, but they strike me as pointless. Why? Because Trump’s supporters are not deploying them in good faith. Rather, these theories are being used as rhetorical maneuvers to dress up a power grab in theoretical garb.
“He who saves his Country does not violate any Law”
In der Kaskade aufsehenerregender Dekrete von US-Präsident Donald Trump sticht der letzte Woche verkündete Schritt, die Anwendung des Gesetzes gegen Auslandsbestechung für sechs Monate auszusetzen, auf den ersten Blick nicht heraus. Näher besehen könnte diese Executive Order aber die globale Antikorruptionspolitik unterminieren und die wirtschafts- und sicherheitspolitischen Interessen Europas nachhaltig schädigen. Zur Debatte steht mit dem Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) nämlich jenes Gesetz, mit dem die transnationale und globale Korruptionsbekämpfung im Jahr 1977 ihren Lauf nahm.
There is a presumption underlying the liberal democratic constitutional project that has been exposed by the Trump administration in its first weeks in office – that formal constitutional structures are all we need to protect against bad political actors. But our entire constitutional system hinges on the very basic idea of people in positions of power doing the right thing. Therefore, I will argue that the behavioural chink in the constitutional chain that needs to be re-discovered is honour. Honour possesses the cultural potency, political currency, and psychological impetuous we need to turn the tide on illiberalism.
Nearly three years ago I wrote here about the far-right constitutional theory behind Trump lawyer John Eastman’s role in the inept yet deadly January 6, 2021 coup attempt against then President-elect Joe Biden. I described the idiosyncratic reworking by Eastman and other so-called west-coast Straussians at California’s Claremont Institute of the ideas of the German-Jewish refugee Leo Strauss, an imposing, deeply conservative political theorist, into an apology for an executive-directed counterrevolution aimed ostensibly at restoring the original US constitutional order. Little did I imagine that Strauss’ Claremont disciples would soon enjoy a political comeback, and that they would once again be wreaking constitutional havoc.
In his first month in office, US President Donald Trump has issued a series of sweeping executive orders targeting transgender rights. These orders build on political terrain that is now exceedingly hostile to transgender rights. In this post, I briefly examine the landscape for transgender rights in the United States, analyze what President Trump’s executive orders on transgender rights aim to do, and then discuss the stakes of United States v. Skrmetti, the pending Supreme Court case that will likely set out the framework that federal courts will use in adjudicating transgender rights cases under the Trump administration and beyond.
Seit der Inauguration Trumps zum 47. US-Präsidenten zieht Elon Musk mit einem Gefolge aus Tech-Ingenieuren und Führungskräften seiner diversen Firmen durch die Bundesbehörden in Washington und verschafft sich Zugang zu Gebäuden, Daten und Computersystemen. In diesem Prozess positionieren sich Akteure der Big Tech Industrie als Profiteure und als Betreiber einer neuen, technologischen Regierungsinfrastruktur – eingeklinkt über die Zugänge zu Computer- und Bezahlsystemen, die Musk sich gerade verschafft. Diese Entwicklung stellt einen neuen Qualitätssprung im politischen Projekt Trumps dar. Sie ist am besten mit dem Wort Faschismus zu beschreiben.