Die Parteivorsitzende der Linken Katja Kipping hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht nach dem CETA-Beschluss als "Handlanger der großen Koalition" bezeichnet. Was passiert, wenn das Verfassungsgericht als politischer Feind gebrandmarkt wird, kann man zurzeit in Polen und Österreich studieren.
Hungary was the first country in the post-Soviet bloc that joined the Council of Europe and ratified the European Convention on Human Rights and this remains a matter of national pride. While the Convention is perceived as a yardstick in human rights protection that may not be circumvented, still lively debate surrounds the authority of the case-law of European Court of Human Rights. The recent constitutional reform has left the status of the Convention largely untouched. The Convention still enjoys a supra-legislative rank: it is subordinated to the Fundamental Law but is superior to all other pieces of legislation.
Russland und Großbritannien Seite and Seite gegen Europa? Das ist in fast jeder Hinsicht weit hergeholt – aber nicht unbedingt im Verhältnis zur Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention und zum Gerichtshof in Straßburg. Beide suchen nach Wegen, ihre Bindungen an die Vorgaben des Menschenrechts-Gerichtshofs zu lockern. Und beide nutzen als Anlass die unpopuläre Straßburger Rechtsprechung, dass auch Strafgefangenen nicht pauschal der Zugang zum Wahlrecht verwehrt werden darf.
Was Polen will, kann die EU-Kommission nicht akzeptieren, und umgekehrt. Nach Wochen des "konstruktiven Dialogs" (Kommissionsvize Frans Timmermans) gibt es immer noch überhaupt kein Zeichen des Aufeinanderzugehens. Ist das schlimm? Im Gegenteil.
Much as the liberal elites in Poland are appalled by the ruthlessness of the attack on the Constitutional Court and the Polish rule of law, they are the ones to be blamed for the civic passivity that continues to define post-transition societies in general. The truly reformative potential of 1989, and then 2004, was lost when elites neglected the importance of connecting with the “real” people beyond the magic of the big-bang moments of 1989 and 2004. This "alienating constitutionalism" is one of the dark sides of 2004 Founding Moment, one that nobody really saw coming at the time of the EU Accession. Should the citizenry start embracing and defending the Court as "my own", the truly powerful legacy of the 2004 Founding Moment would be discovered.
In the conflict between the Polish government and the constitutional court, we are watching a sort of chess-boxing, a hybrid game consisting of rounds in chess and boxing, where the parties attempt to outsmart the opponent and if this doesn’t help, they simply punch. Contravention of the division of powers and disregard for the idea of limited government has repeatedly been perpetrated by the ruling party Law & Justice and “their” President Duda. It remains to be seen if the attempts made are understood by the perpetrators as a tool to facilitate party’s short-term objectives or as an ultimate goal to redesign Poland’s institutional order.
The current attack on the Polish Constitutional Court is unprecedented in scope, cold efficiency and intensity. It aims to paralyze and incapacitate the Court. Polish democracy is faced today with a crisis that has more to do with the lack of constitutional culture rather than deficiencies of the constitutional text. Europe will have its hands full with Poland in the days to come. Unfortunately, so far it has not shown much teeth in response to the constitutional shenanigans playing out in Poland. This must change or Warsaw will become another Budapest with Europe idly watching.
A constitutional crisis? A coup d’état? Whatever it is Poland is going through right now, the constitutional situation is far from normal. After a fierce political brawl about the election of five new judges to the Constitutional Tribunal, that same Tribunal declared yesterday the legal basis upon which two of them were elected unconstitutional.
Many Eastern European states have seen their once glorious constitutional courts politically delegitimized in recent years. Now, Poland might join them. Hasty attempts by the outgoing majority to fill the benches of the court with judges of their choosing, and constitutionally dubious attempts by the new majority to thwart those attempts and to tamper with constitutional procedural law, threaten to inflict fatal damage to the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and its integrity.
Anfang Dezember wurde bekannt, dass Italiens Verfassungsgerichtshof Silvio Berlusconis berüchtigtes Wahlgesetz für verfassungswidrig erklären würde. Jetzt liegen die Urteilsgründe vor - und die greifen tief in das Verfassungsgefüge der Republik ein: So installiert der Gerichtshof in dem Verfahren erstmals eine Art individuellen Rechtsschutz gegen verfassungswidrige Gesetze. Francesco Palermo, Verfassungsrechtsprofessor und Südtiroler Mitglied im italienischen Senat, erläutert Folgen und Hintergründe des Urteils.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters