Confronted with lawmakers they themselves elected just eighteen months ago, Taiwanese citizens have creatively repurposed the antiquated mechanism of "recall" as a last-resort check on a runaway legislature. Sparked by a year of legislative overreach and erosion of constitutional checks, this unprecedented campaign reflects Taiwan's spirit of civic constitutionalism, and its determination to defend its democratic institutions.
What is therefore needed is a much thicker description of the current phase of semantic destabilization. This implies to build a new questionnaire able to grasp the dynamics of contemporary legal controversies allowing to bring historical depth and socio-legal […] While there is certainly a large variety of methodologies able to address this questionnaire, […] I contend however that a socio-genetic approach is better equipped when it comes to unpack the notion of “context” and reconstitute the complex “hermeneutic space” of legal concepts that continuously move back and forth from the legal and the political fields.
Israel has been experiencing fierce conflicts between the Prime Minister and the government on the one hand and prominent public officials on the other. Two such conflicts have occupied the public discourse in recent weeks: the conflict between the government and both the Attorney General (Gali Barahav-Miara) and the head of the internal security service (Ronen Bar). In both cases, the government's attempt to remove these officials from office has run into legal difficulties, grounded in accusations concerning conflict of interest, which stem from two opposing principles within administrative law.
On May 30th, Iraq’s Court of Cassation (CC) issued an unprecedented decision invalidating a previous ruling by the country’s highest court in the land, the Federal Supreme Court (FSC). The CC’s judicial coup and self-aggrandizement rests on a flawed doctrinal foundation and runs counter to the judicial hierarchy set out by Iraq’s constitution.
The “Never Again” is the desperate evocation of something impossible. Nothing prevents people from expanding the arsenal of their crimes with ever newer, ever more artificial, more scientific methods and instruments, and from using them. Just as grass and flowers mercifully spread over the ruins of the ovens, the fields fertilized with ashes, all attempts to bear witness to the crimes, to keep memory alive as a warning, dissolve into the history of the victors, which has dominated everything else in all times of human history.
This essay aims to provide a Chinese perspective on the question of traumas and the Never Again imperative. It will first place the question in the long history of constitution-making in China, taking the view that constitutional narratives are context-driven, shaped by particular historical processes, and addressing particular historical concerns of respective nation-states, each with its trauma and Never Again imperatives. This essay then brings the current 1982 constitution into focus, highlighting the trauma it is designed to address and assessing the sincerity and effectiveness of the commitment.
Those who build new public law act with the past hovering over their shoulders. Rejecting regimes of horror explains much of the content of new constitutions. Aversive constitutionalism – in which constitutionalists overtly steer away from a country’s appalling pasts – guides how they understand these new texts. On balance, even among those who disagree over precisely how the past is memorialized as “never again” in new constitutions, evidence shows that the horrors of the past influence public law in the present much more than do the dreams of some ideal future.
Unwritten principles serve crucial purposes in the UK’s constitution. For example, they provide guardrails for judicial interpretation of legislation, and they form or give rise to substantive rules about the limits of legislative, judicial and executive power. With a growing body of research on unwritten constitutionalism, it is worth considering why these issues matter, and what is at stake in the debate. This post considers two issues which it argues can only be properly understood once regard is paid to the unwritten principles and norms in the UK’s constitution: the limits of Westminster’s legislative power, and the nature of the UK’s territorial constitution.
Die Ära der absoluten Mehrheiten im demokratischen Südafrika ist vorbei. Nachdem der African National Congress sechs aufeinanderfolgende Wahlen über einen Zeitraum von 30 Jahren mit absoluter Mehrheit gewonnen hatte, erhielt die Partei am 29. Mai 2024 zum ersten Mal weniger als 50% der Stimmen. Der ANC bleibt stärkste Partei. Am Abend des 14. Juni wählte die südafrikanische Nationalversammlung den ANC-Parteichef Cyril Ramaphosa in seine zweite Amtszeit als Präsident des Landes. Doch Politik und Verfassungsstaatlichkeit in Südafrika haben sich fundamental geändert.
The dominant party era in democratic South Africa is over. After winning absolute majorities in six consecutive national elections spanning thirty years, on 29 May 2024 the African National Congress (ANC) fell below 50% of the vote for the first time. The ANC remains the largest party. On the evening of 14 June, the National Assembly elected ANC leader Cyril Ramaphosa for a second term as the country’s president. But South Africa politics, and its constitutionalism, have changed fundamentally.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters