The European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) has just celebrated the third anniversary of the start of its operations. “I am sure you will soon see [the EPPO] is anything but a ‘toothless tiger’”, said Laura Kövesi in an interview in 2021. Sadly, in Bulgaria, a country frequently shaken by scandals implicating abuses of EU funds and known for rampant corruption, the EPPO reminds of a domesticated rather than a fierce wild cat.
Earlier this month, the Indian Supreme Court delivered a judgment in a reference pertaining to the law and scope of legislative privileges under the Indian Constitution. The primary question before the court was whether legislative privileges extend to the protection from prosecution of a legislator who receives a bribe to speak or vote in a certain manner in the legislature. In the following sections of this post, I’ll first discuss the existing law on legislative privileges in India, which is unique in its origination and formulation. I’ll then argue that there is a need to reconceptualize the understanding of legislative privileges in order to support the legislative systems in performing their roles and functions in their true essence.
Last week, the Indian Supreme Court delivered its judgment in Sita Soren v. Union of India, holding that parliamentary privilege – the constitutionally recognized legal immunity of legislators – does not extend to bribe-taking for exercising their legislative vote or speech a certain way. In this blog post, I discuss the Court’s formulation of the essentiality test, as well as its conclusions on the availability of privilege for bribe-taking. I argue that while the ruling can strengthen democratic institutions since it protects the integrity of legislative processes, certain risks in the essentiality test’s composition – which risk depriving important legislative functions of privilege – must be addressed.
With the “Pilnacek” case, the debate on corruption in Austria – ongoing since the "Ibiza affair" (May 2019) but largely inconclusive so far – is heading for a new high point. The affair showcases massive political influence on the Austrian criminal justice system and proves that it is challenging to bring the problem of corruption under control. One of the main reasons is that Austria has not made the necessary adjustments to the European "acquis communautaire" since its (relatively late) accession to the EU and keeps ignoring fundamental principles of EU law. Since 2000, there have even been setbacks. The case of Christian Pilnacek illustrates the problem of corruption in Austria in an exemplary manner. Likewise, it underlines the continuing backlog of reforms in Austria and the country’s unwillingness to adjust to the European rule of law.
Die seit der „Ibiza-Affäre“ (Mai 2019) nicht mehr abreißende, wenngleich bislang weitgehend ergebnislose Korruptionsdebatte in Österreich steuert mit dem Fall „Pilnacek“ auf einen neuen Höhepunkt zu, denn in eben diesem Fall scheint sich eine massive Einflussnahme der Politik auf die österreichische Strafjustiz abzuzeichnen. Es wird immer deutlicher, dass die Korruptionsproblematik in Österreich nicht in den Griff zu bekommen ist. Ein wesentlicher Grund dafür ist auch, dass seit dem (verhältnismäßig späten) EU-Beitritt Österreichs wesentliche Anpassungen an den rechtsstaatlichen „acquis communautaire“ unterblieben und grundlegende Prinzipien des Unionsrechts bislang unbeachtet geblieben sind. Seit dem Jahr 2000 kam es zu weiteren Rückschritten. Der Fall Christian Pilnacek verdeutlich diese Problematik geradezu exemplarisch – und unterstreicht den in Österreich nach wie vor bestehenden rechtsstaatlichen Reformstau bzw. Reformunwillen.
The Indonesian Constitutional Court has handed down a highly controversial decision lowering the minimum age requirement for presidential candidacy. It raises further alarms about the Court's independence, as the petitioner sought to allow President Jokowi's son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, to run in the 2024 presidential elections. Worse, the current Chief Justice is married to the President's younger sister, and the Court's legal reasoning it not sound.
Scandalous arrests of judges taking millions in bribes continue to make headlines. For purging the judiciary from corruption, vetting the integrity of judges through internationally supported commissions has become one of the most promising tools. In July 2023, the ECtHR has upheld the dismissal of yet another prominent judge – who had served, both, at the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Albania (Thanza v. Albania). While it is obvious that a judge should be dismissed for engaging in organised crime, this case may be the first in the world to raise another, rather unusual question: Can a judge be dismissed simply for having contact with organised crime, even if he has never committed any offence?
Die BGH-Entscheidung zu den „Maskendeals“ hat – wieder einmal – gezeigt, dass der Straftatbestand der Mandatsträgerkorruption (§ 108e StGB) dringend reformbedürftig ist. Die politischen Zeichen hierfür stehen günstig, schließlich wollen die Regierungsfraktionen ausweislich ihres Koalitionsvertrags „den Straftatbestand der Abgeordnetenbestechung und -bestechlichkeit wirksamer ausgestalten.“ Wir plädieren dafür, einerseits § 108e StGB partiell zu entschärfen (speziell im Hinblick auf Kommunalpolitiker), andererseits aber ergänzende Strafvorschriften einzuführen, die sich an die etablierten Strukturen des allgemeinen Korruptionsstrafrechts und die bereits geltenden Zuwendungsverbote des § 44a AbgG anlehnen.
The current scandal at the European Parliament might trigger an overdue discussion: Foreign officials should be either prohibited to lobby on legislation or be subject to rigorous disclosure rules.
Auch wenn es dem Europäischen Parlament in den letzten Jahren gelungen ist, eine Mehrheit zu finden, um die Mitgliedstaaten Ungarn, Polen, Rumänien, die Slowakei, Bulgarien und Malta wegen Korruption zu schelten, ist es weitaus schwieriger, seine eigenen Mitglieder zu kontrollieren. Das Europäische Parlament ist der absolute Herrscher über seine eigene Integrität. Wenn es seine Möglichkeiten einschränken will, indem es volle Transparenz bei Sitzungen, Zugang, Ausgaben und Reisen bietet, kann es das tun - gute Vorschläge liegen schon seit Jahren vor.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters