Wie die Trump-Regierung Wissensinstitutionen angreift
Zeit für Mut – und Widerstand
Articles for tag: Bildungspolitik, Demokratie, USA, Wissenschaft
The Trump Administration’s Attack on Knowledge Institutions
Time for courage – and resistance
Sturm auf den Verwaltungsstaat
Die erste Amtszeit Donald Trumps endete mit dem Sturm auf das Kapitol, die zweite Amtszeit begann mit dem Sturm auf den Administrative State. Ist nur ersteres oder beides ein Angriff auf die demokratische Ordnung? Wie Verwaltungsstaat und Demokratie aufeinander bezogen sind, ist eine für akademische Zwecke kaum zu beantwortende Frage. Sie bezieht unklare Begrifflichkeiten in einer unklaren Weise aufeinander. Gerade wegen dieser Unschärfe sind die Fragen nach der Demokratietauglichkeit des Verwaltungsapparats für politische Zwecke aber auch reizvoll. Denn sie lassen sich einfach instrumentalisieren.
Trumps Gegenverfassung
“He who saves his Country does not violate any Law”
Democracy or Domination
The urgency of Europe’s creep towards plutocracy calls for a similarly urgent response. Competition law, given its history and potential as a tool of anti-domination, is a natural fit to protect and revitalise democracy in Europe from the threats posed by excessive concentrations of private power. For it to be effective for that purpose, competition scholars must clearly articulate which democratic values, like non-domination, competition law should seek to pursue, and clear-mindedly design mechanisms through which to channel them.
Trump and the Folklore of Capitalism
How can we make sense of the return of Donald Trump, who again convinced enough US voters of his populist bonafides? Populist authoritarianism has made inroads around the world. Only Trump’s version, however, probably brings together so much wealth and power, with super-rich business executives now at the helm. Here I tap a brilliant but neglected book, The Folklore of Capitalism (1937), by the legal scholar and New Deal trustbuster, Thurman Arnold (1891-1961), to understand this remarkable development. Folklore of Capitalism helps explain Trump’s wide appeal, despite the electorate’s disagreements with many of his policy preferences.
On Peru’s Constitutional Crisis
Two hundred years after gaining independence, Peru finds itself in a state of political instability. Over the past six years, the country has had six different presidents — largely due to a persistent power struggle between the Legislative and Executive branches. The ongoing turmoil indicates that Peru finds itself in a constitutional crisis– a crisis that encompasses both the constitutional text, tainted by its authoritarian history, and the political constitution, understood as the actual form of government.
Zuckerberg’s Strategy
On January 7, 2025, and in the days following, the founder and CEO of Meta, Mark Zuckerberg, made a series of statements that framed Meta's previous and future content policy with an evidently strategic intention. The change of content moderation policy, as described in three comprehensive points in his personal announcement on his own platforms, may even sound reasonable, as discussed below. However, the reasoning and the framing of these changes appear to show that Meta is up to something entirely different from just further optimizing its curation of content on its platforms.
Plutocracy 2025
When thinking about this current moment in time when major currents of political and economic power seem to flow into each other in exceptional and perhaps unparalleled ways, it might be useful to tease out in some more detail how exactly plutocracy 2025 differs from the entanglements of economic and business power that have come before. Here is one difference that seems particularly striking. Plutocracy in 2025, unlike its typical predecessors, is not really engineered in discrete fashion behind the scenes by deep-rooted dynasties of political and economic life. Instead, it is a full-frontal brash attack right on the public stage.
Protecting Democracy in the Digital Era
At the dawn of 2025, liberal democracy is faced with a considerable challenge: Big Tech bosses appear to leverage their market power for far-reaching political influence, without any democratic legitimisation to do so. As someone working on issues of market power in the digital economy, one cannot help but wonder: shouldn’t competition law be able to contain (some of) this unseeming wielding of market power?
