The CJEU is soon to decide upon Malta’s citizenship for investment scheme. Upholding the Commission’s challenge would not deprive Malta of power to confer Maltese citizenship. Instead, it would build on settled jurisprudence that EU law constrains national rules conferring EU citizenship and follow the longstanding direction of travel of the Court’s jurisprudence, which has already overcome objections that it is too radical.
During the hearing in the infringement proceedings against Hungary’s ‘anti- LGBTIQ+ Law’, the Commission placed the values of the EU at the heart of its pleas. Following its publication in the Official Journal, some expected (while others feared) that the Commission’s infringement action would rely on Article 2 TEU (which set out the values of the EU) as a self-standing ground. Instead, during the hearing, the Commission’s representatives were adamant that Article 2 may only be invoked in connection with other EU law provisions. That is a welcome clarification. Grounding an infringement action solely on Article 2 would be unwise. Yet, the inclusion of these values among the pleas is legally, politically, and morally significant.
The Commission needs to get its message out to Hungarians loud and clear that it is trying to fight corruption in Hungary so that EU money can be used to benefit the Hungarian people and not just Orbán’s circle of cronies. Hungarians would definitely appreciate that if they knew it. But the Commission’s press release today has been drowned out by Orbán’s use of state funds to flood the zone with his message that the Commission doesn’t care about the Hungarian people and is responsible for all of the economic pain they feel.
Von der Leyen has recently unveiled the new structure of the next Commission. At first sight it looks like a relatively light structure composed of only three hierarchical levels: the President on top, six Executive Vice-Presidents in the middle and the Commissioners at the bottom. However, as this post will argue, the new Commission is likely to become more hierarchical and less coordinated than before. Moreover, the new structure also reflects changing priorities that will lead to a less green agenda and increased competitiveness of the EU.
Contrary to cartoonish portrayals of Ursula von der Leyen as a latter-day Caesar, who may be illegitimately presidentialising the Commission, the current Commission President is merely furthering a more centralised vision of the institution that is implicit in the extent of her organisational powers under Article 17(6) TEU. While there are strong legal and constitutionally moral arguments for an alternative, more plural executive understanding of the Commission, the Treaties leave room for a contest between presidentialist and pluralist visions to take place across time in the political arena. Moreover, a more presidential conception of the Commission, while it may raise some questions regarding the mode of election of the Commission President and the role of the Commission, may also possess some positives.
Chatkontrolle, KI-gestützte Altersverifizierung und Zwangsfilter auf Betriebssystemen bilden die letzten Beispiele einer langen Reihe von Regulierungsvorhaben, die im Namen des Kinder- und Jugendmedienschutzes Grundrechtseingriffe als alternativlos darstellen. Die Vorhaben lassen Kinder und Jugendliche die sich im Netz bewegen, mit ihren komplexen und vielschichtigen Bedürfnissen und Risikoprofilen im Stich. Anstatt evidenzbasierte Alternativkonzepte zu entwickeln und in wirksame, holistische Ansätze für Kinder- und Jugendmedienschutz zu investieren, werden auch ihre Grundrechte auf informationelle Selbstbestimmung, Privatsphäre und Autonomie eingeschränkt.
The European Commission's 2024 Annual Rule of Law Report provides some analysis of Italy’s current political and judicial landscape under Meloni’s right wing rule. While the expectations towards the Report were low, the document must be read as a wakeup call, as Italy sets out to be the new Hungary.
Today, the European Commission issued its fifth Annual Rule of Law Report (ARoLR). While this monitoring exercise has come a long way and has been significantly improved, the rule of law backsliding remains one of the most pressing issues of the EU. In the following I present seven recommendations how to improve the Commission’s monitoring exercise. At the core lies a differentiation between a democracy and a hybrid regime. Once a Member State qualifies as the latter, it must be treated accordingly.
Last Thursday, Ursula von der Leyen, the new – and former – President of the EU Commission presented the ‘Political Guidelines for the next European Commission 2024-2029’, her ideas and priorities for the coming mandate. This blogpost will examine whether the Guidelines are living up to the scale of the gender-related concerns and challenges that are facing the Union, as Ursula von der Leyen promises. It identifies a shift in tone in the Commission’s pledges to promoting gender equality and outlines some proposals that the German Women Lawyers Association (djb) has advanced in order to help tackle these challenges.
Fears of a radical right-wing wave dominated the debates leading up to the European Parliament (EP) elections. As the final votes are tallied across the 27 EU Member States, it has become evident that the predictions of pre-election polls have partially come true: Far-right parties secured about a quarter of the popular vote. What are the implications? While the current results likely indicate by-and-large continuity in the European Parliament, including an ongoing shift to the right on contested issues such as migration or climate policy, they had heavily disruptive consequences on the national level, which in France has resulted in snap parliamentary elections. This will have pronounced impact on the balance of power in the (European) Council and on the EU as a whole.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters