5231 magistrates from all over the EU had signed a letter to call the EU Commission to urgent action regarding the rule of law situation in Poland, Hungary and other member states. Unbelievably, Commissioners Reynders and Jourová, in their reply to the judges’ letter that transpired on 1 March, managed to make matters considerably worse.
Am 18. Februar hat die EU-Kommission unter dem Titel „An Open, Sustainable and Assertive Trade Policy“ ihre Handelsstrategie für die kommenden Jahre veröffentlicht. Eine Priorität liegt dabei auf der verbesserten Durchsetzung der Nachhaltigkeitskapitel in den EU-Handelsabkommen. Allerdings nehmen EU-Handelsabkommen diese Kapitel ausdrücklich von den üblichen Sanktionsmechanismen aus und eignen sich deshalb nicht dazu, Arbeitnehmerrechte oder Umweltschutzstandards effektiv durchzusetzen. Doch auch ohne Änderungen an den bestehenden Regelungen könnte die Kommission zeigen, dass sie ihr Versprechen eines nachhaltigen Welthandels ernst meint. Zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure spielen dabei eine wichtige Rolle.
On 13 January 2016, exactly five years ago today, the Commission activated the so-called rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. Ever since, the Polish authorities’ sustained and systematic attacks on the rule of law directly threaten the very functioning of the EU legal order. Part II of this series examines the key rulings of 2020 and urges EU authorities to act.
On 13 January 2016, exactly five years ago today, the Commission activated the so-called rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. Ever since, the Polish authorities’ sustained and systematic attacks on the rule of law directly threaten the very functioning of the EU legal order. In what has become an annual series of dire warnings, this is an overview of the 2020 developments regarding the deterioration of the rule of law in Poland.
The EU Commission Proposal for a Digital Services Act (DSA), released on 15 December 2020, is one of the cornerstones of the Commission’s ‘A Europe Fit for the Digital Age’ political agenda. The regulatory model proposed in the DSA is highly centralised, with the Commission putting itself forward as the sole regulator with teeth vis-à-vis Big Tech, or “very large platforms”. A choice which builds on the failings of the GDPR, but creates tensions with general requirements of independence and impartiality of regulators.
The European Court of Justice has been in the middle of the European rule of law crisis for the last couple of years – and it has called out rule of law violations especially in Hungary and Poland multiple times. But the Court can’t defend the rule of law in the European Union on its own, and it needs institutional partners in this struggle. For example, it needs someone to file cases and to follow up on the Court's orders. Does the European Commission do enough on their part? Who is the guardian of the Treaties – the Commission, the Court, none of the two? The European Council is able to decide on sanctions against member states using the procedure of Article 7 TEU. But that tool has not been effective so far. Does that mean that we witness the juridification of a political conflict that puts too much of a burden on the Court?
On Judge Beata Morawiec, the rampant sowjetization of the Polish judicial policy, and how it could come to all that.
On Viktor Orbán, the EU Rule of Law Report, and the difference between risk and damage.
In den letzten Jahren wurde viel über die schlechten Lebensstandards auf den griechischen Inseln und die notorische Ineffektivität der Dublin-Verfahren berichtet. Dies nährte die Hoffnung, dass die Veröffentlichung des zuletzt mehrfach verschobenen „neuen“ Migrations- und Asylpakts einen „Neuanfang“ wagt, den die Pressemitteilung der Kommission vollmundig versprach. Ein genauer Blick auf die Gesetzgebungsvorschläge und Empfehlungen zeigt allerdings, dass der wortreich beschworene Neuanfang unvollständig bleibt.
The European Commission seems to inhabit a universe which is too distant from the realities of Bulgaria and Romania, which are the only EU members subjected to the CVM. Even worse, it is currently attempting to sweep the CVM under the carpet of oblivion for no good reason, as seen in Commissioner Vera Jourova’s presentation on the mechanism before the LIBE Committee at the European Parliament on 10 September 2020. The Commission is attempting to persuade concerned citizens and Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) that it would continue the monitoring of these countries under the new Rule of Law Mechanism. It insists that this be an argument to terminate the CVM, but is this justified?
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters