On December 16, the European Union legislature finally adopted Regulation 2020/2092 on the rule of law conditionality of EU funds. Although the Regulation is supposed to apply from 1 January 2021, Hungary and Poland have reportedly announced their intention to challenge it before the CJEU. Here are three predictions on how this litigation is going to go in the year ahead.
Scholars have relentlessly argued for tougher EU action against illiberal governments whose actions erode constitutional checks and balances. The panoply of EU tools is large and it comprises mechanisms for compliance via dialogue and engagement, the several infringement procedures and other ECJ cases with RoL implications, and procedures seeking enforcement. Yet, EU action remains inefficient since, to date, none of these mechanisms, jointly or individually, have been able to extract substantial compliance but rather what Agnes Batory called “symbolic and creative compliance” designed to create the appearance of norm‐conform behavior without giving up their original objectives. This poor performance reveals a crucial paradox on rule of law compliance: the EU is a community of law that lacks the last enforcement mechanism; i.e coercion.
Some EU leaders may assert that EU money will now be brought under the rule of law given that the Conditionality Regulation is now guaranteed to pass. But they are wrong.
Constitutional capture in Poland and Hungary and what to expect from the European Commission, the Council and the Court of Justice: an interview with Laurent Pech.
Last Friday’s ‘informal’ meeting of the European Council was a key moment in what its President, Donald Tusk, proudly calls his Leaders’ Agenda. Tusk wanted the event to prove that the heads of government are in charge of the EU constitutive process, and to prevent either the European Parliament or the Commission from seizing the initiative. As such it misfired.
Das erstinstanzliche Gericht der EU hat Klagen gegen den EU-Türkei-Deal als unzulässig abgewiesen – die Europäische Union sei an dem Deal überhaupt nicht beteiligt gewesen. Damit bleibt nicht nur die Frage unbeantwortet, wie sicher Flüchtlinge in der Türkei wirklich sind. Der Beschluss wirft auch verfassungsrechtliche Fragen nach der Reichweite der Rechtsbindung und gerichtlichen Kontrolle der auswärtigen Gewalt der EU auf. Steht die Gerichtsbarkeit der Union in einer als „Krise“ wahrgenommenen Situation bereit, die Rule of Law auch gegen den vereinten Willen der politischen Spitzen von EU und Mitgliedstaaten zu verteidigen?
On 20 February 2017, the Polish government has replied to the European Commission’s rule of law findings. That reply is so clearly absurd, rude and full of ‘alternative facts’ that the case to trigger the sanction mechanism in Art 7 TEU promptly is more compelling than ever. It is time for Member State governments to get their act together and make explicit their disapproval of a government that finds it acceptable not only to violate its national Constitution and EU values in plain sight but also to bully and disrespect EU representatives such as Frans Timmermans and Donald Tusk.
Two months ago, the European Parliament and the Council have enacted the European General Data Protection Regulation as the result of a 4 years running legislative procedure. For a long time, it was uncertain whether the regulation could be passed at all: Not only has there been considerable opposition by EU Member States, but there have also been about 4.000 amendments by Parliament, accompanied by an enormous engagement of lobby groups.
The European Union is at the crossroad. On 17 February the European Council will deal with the United Kingdom’s request to renegotiate the terms of its EU membership. The British Conservative government has committed to holding a referendum on withdrawal from the EU before the end of 2017. At the same time, the British Prime Minister has opened negotiations with its European partners, asking for a »new deal« between the UK and the EU. In particular, Mr. David Cameron advanced four requests: the UK should be legally exempted from participating to the project of »an ever closer union«; national parliaments ... continue reading
Dass die Ungarn gerade im Begriff sind, in ihrem Land die Pressefreiheit abzuschaffen, ist bekannt. Weniger bekannt ist, was sonst noch so passiert im Verfassungsrecht der Magyaren. Da bleibt nämlich gerade kein Stein auf dem anderen. Buchstäblich. Und das ist nicht allein das Problem der Ungarn, sondern verheißt für alle Europäer nichts Gutes. Darüber hat mich gestern eine höchst verdienstvolle Veranstaltung an der Berliner Humboldt-Uni aufgeklärt. Christian Boulanger vom Law & Society Institute hatte zwei ungarische Rechtswissenschaftler eingeladen: Kriszta Kovácz, Beraterin des Präsidenten des ungarischen Verfassungsgerichtshofs, und Gábor Attila Tóth von der Universität Debrecen, früher ebenfalls am Verfassungsgerichtshof als Berater ... continue reading
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters