Action and Reaction
On the packing of courts, when one should do it, and when one should not.
On the packing of courts, when one should do it, and when one should not.
Über Court Packing und wann man es lassen sollte. Und wann nicht.
It is plain worrisome when judges need to end up at the European Court of Justice on the argument that what they have available at home is no longer a proper court. 22 September 2020 was such a day for two veritable Polish and therefore European judges: Judge Waldemar Żurek and Judge Monika Frąckowiak. More than a legal fight, it is a battle of and for ideas, playing out – literally – in open court.
10 September 2020 was a watershed moment for the Court of Justice’s independence: the Court, through its Vice-President, has agreed to dismiss its own sitting member without even notifying her of the appeal against the suspensory order protecting her tenure guaranteed in the EU Treaties. It did so by arguing, effectively, that the Member States could dismiss members of the Court at will, and that such decisions were beyond judicial review: AG Sharpston’s fight for the independence of the Court, according to that very Court through its Vice-President, had ‘prima facie’ ‘no prospect of success’.
On Friday 4 September 2020, Judge Anthony Collins of the General Court has ordered the suspension of operation and all consequential effects of the Decision of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, in so far as it purports to appoint Mr. Athanasios Rantos to the position of Advocate General of the Court of Justice. The significance of this development for the independence of the judiciary in the EU and the general articulation of the rule of law in Europe is difficult to overestimate.
Lately, Switzerland’s system of justice has made plenty of negative headlines owing to its Federal Attorney’s failures and misconducts, its Federal Criminal Court’s internal grievances, the Federal Supreme Court’s deficient work as supervisory authority of the former, and the Federal Supreme Court’s president’s sexist verbal abuse made in the same context. These days, reports spread about yet another dubious story: about the election of judges to the Federal Supreme Court, Switzerland’s apex court.
Once, Indonesia’s democracy was hailed as the most stable in Southeast Asia. But recently, the Jokowi government and the House of Representatives proposed a Bill that shall revise the Constitutional Court Law. A successful promulgation will affect not only the Constitutional Court, but also the future of Indonesian democracy.
Kürzlich hat die Generalstaatsanwältin des Landes Berlin die Ermittlungen wegen einer Anschlagsserie in Neukölln gegen Linke und Sozialdemokraten an sich gezogen, weil die bisherige Ermittlungsführung Anlass geben könnte, an der Unbefangenheit eines befassten Staatsanwalts zu zweifeln. Der Fall demonstriert in besonderer Weise, warum es notwendig ist, Staatsanwältinnen und Staatsanwälte weiterhin sowohl dem internen als auch dem externen Weisungsrecht zu unterstellen.
Should the US Supreme Court be reformed? Many advocate for the introduction of term limits and/or other reforms. The new “court reform” movement is interesting no matter what its actual prospects are because it seems – but we think only seems – to fall within a broad category of challenges to constitutional courts brought by populists around the world.
Due to Brexit, the remaining 27 EU Member States would like to remove Eleanor Sharpston, an Advocate General nominated by the United Kingdom, from the CJEU. Many have criticized this idea, claiming that a removal would undermine the judicial independence of the Court. This post argues that the position taken by the EU 27 to remove Eleanor Sharpston from the Court is actually well-reasoned and lawful while leaving her in office would lead to strange consequences e.g. that the Judges of the Court are less protected than its Advocate Generals.