Articles for tag: AutoritarismusChecks and BalancesGewaltenteilungSyrienVerfassungsgebung

From Syrian Revolution to Constitutional Ambiguity

The remarkable yet tragic victory of the Syrian revolution reached its turning point on December 7, 2024. Unlike the coups of the 1950s and 60s, whose leaders immediately sought legal legitimacy, the current de facto ruler, Ahmad al-Sharaa, has declared a five-year transitional period under a temporary Constitutional Declaration. While it formally guarantees equality, the Declaration omits fundamental democratic safeguards and fails to ensure the separation of powers - entrenching a system of self-referential authority and executive dominance that mirrors the authoritarian dynamics of the past.

The Limits of Public Participation

In this piece, I critique the proposed people-driven constitution-making process in South Sudan, identifying some challenges that may hinder meaningful participation by the people. One is mass illiteracy: over 70% of the population is illiterate. This can impact the people’s capacity to meaningfully engage with some of the complex issues that may arise from the process. Another factor is that involving the people could exacerbate existing ethnic tensions in the country, as constitution-making is inherently divisive. My suggestion is to entrust the process to experts with oversight by parliament.

Third Time’s A Charm?

The second process to draft a new constitutional text in Chile ended on November 7. A referendum to be held on December 17 will decide upon the fate of the constitutional proposal that resulted from it. Polls indicate that the proposal will be rejected, even if the option in favor of the proposal has been gaining support lately. Irrespective of the outcome of the referendum, it might be fair to say that this second version of the constituent process has already failed. In particular, I argue that just like the first draft, the second proposal seeks to constitutionally entrench the goals of the political factions that held the majority within the drafting organ, instead of providing a constitutional framework that would allow for broad self-governance based on the democratic principle.

Finding a Constitutional Equilibrium

The beginnings of Georgian constitutionalism go back substantially to the first years of Georgia's first democratic republic (1918-1921). On 26 May 1918, Georgia declared itself independent from Russia, establishing a democratic republic and its first constitution in 1921. Arguably, it had recognized, collected and mixed the best possible practice of constitutional doctrines of the time. Although the current 1995 constitution bases its legitimacy on the first constitution, it was only through the constitutional reform of 2017-2018 that it was modernized to return to the achievements of the first Constitution of 1921.

Verfassungsmüdigkeit

Im März 2023 beginnt ein neuer Verfassungsprozess in Chile. Die Rahmenbedingung hierfür bildet ein Gesetz, das das Chilenische Parlament im Januar 2023 mit großer Mehrheit beschlossen hat. Zuvor war im Dezember 2022 nach dreimonatigen Verhandlungen ein neues “Abkommen für Chile” (Acuerdo para Chile) zwischen den verschiedenen Abgeordneten beschlossen worden, das sich nun auch in dem Gesetzesvorschlag widerspiegelt. Schon jetzt zeichnet sich allerdings ab, dass der neue Verfassungsprozess sehr viel stärker durch die politisch Etablierten geprägt ist als der vorherige. Dem steht eine Bevölkerung gegenüber, deren Aufmerksamkeit für und Erwartung an den neuen Verfassungsprozess deutlich zurückgegangen ist.

The Chilean Constituent Process: Take 2

After months of difficult negotiations, political parties in Chile agreed on the conditions for a new constituent process. This second attempt at drafting a new constitution for Chile looks radically different than the first process. While in the first process an elected Convention had the task to draft the new constitutional text, the draft that results from this second process will be produced by the interaction of three different organs: Council, Commission and Committee. Members of two of them, Commission and Committee, are not elected and have a rather “technical” character. Has legal expertise thus replaced political will in the second process?

Getting on the Wrong Side of Constitutionalism

The Chilean new constitution will be voted on a general plebiscite on September 4, 2022. While a few months ago the plebiscite might have looked like a formality, the approval rates for the Constitutional Convention and what is known of the proposed text so far have been dropping for some time now. According to recent polls, the rejection of the new text is becoming more and more likely, putting the constituent process under even more pressure.

Beware of the Bulldozer

The case of Russia teaches us how dangerous extra-constitutional constitution making can be – and that it should always be just a last resort. No substantive institutional changes should be made outside of the constitutional bounds. Otherwise, there will always be the danger that breaking the rule of law will continue even after constitutional change has taken place. This is precisely what Russian intellectuals and jurists, who supported Yeltsin in 1993, learned under the rule of Vladimir Putin. We should try to avoid repeating their mistakes.   

A Matter of Pragmatism rather than Principle

Taking into consideration that the backsliding of Turkish democracy during the last ten to fifteen years happened in a piecemeal and often erratic way, only partially based on constitutional amendments, the reverse process should also be possible by gradual legal and, eventually, constitutional changes. Political pragmatism, based on a clear commitment to basic democratic values and societal reconciliation, might be more important for the sustainable recovery of Turkish democracy than a radical constitutional restart.

Pitfalls of a Precious Opportunity

After forty years, Chile recently expressed the will to no longer being governed by the Constitution bequeathed by Pinochet. And it did so in a resounding manner through a plebiscite. The path that will lead to the election of the Constitutional Convention and then the drafting of the new Constitution seems to be exciting: we are observing how a genuine constituent moment is unfolding. However, the importance of the social question coupled with the new constitution carries the risk of over-constitutionalisation and the lack of leadership in the constitutional process could diminish its perception of legitimacy.