Prorogued until October?

The British government yesterday secured a prorogation of Parliament from the Queen. Parliament will stand prorogued no earlier than Monday 9th September and no later than Thursday 12th September 2019 to Monday 14th October 2019. For many commentators the weeks from now until 12 September and from 14 October to 31 October (the day the United Kingdom exits the European Union) were crucial. It tipped the balance of the prorogation from blindingly unconstitutional to constitutionally dubious, but permissible. Regardless of whether one finds this line of reasoning convincing, there is a threat that this prorogation can be extended indefinitely that has been largely overlooked: the Prorogation Act 1867.

Pseudo-Legal Justice

On the morning of his thirtieth birthday, Josef K., a member of the Council of the Anti-corruption Agency of Montenegro, was dismissed of his duties, by the very same body that appointed him: the Parliament of Montenegro. This could be the first sentence of a novel written by Franz Kafka if he was with us today. While Kafka’s Josef K. was arrested and left to roam free through a court building to find a courtroom in which his destiny would be determined, Josef K. in this story is in a similarly peculiar situation: He does not know which court in Montenegro he should appeal to and present his grievances. This Kafkaesque reality is the result of a questionable interpretation of the law by Montenegro’s Supreme Court – just another piece in the demise of the country’s rule of law.

Resentment, Populism and Political Strategies in Italy

After Matteo Salvini announced his plan of holding snap elections, the former Italian prime minister (Presidente del Consiglio), Matteo Renzi launched the idea to postpone elections by forming a transistional government supported by the Partito democratico and the MoVimento 5 stelle, amongst others. Renzi knows that, according to the polls, Salvini’s political party (the Lega) could win the elections and form a government with Fratelli d’Italia, a post-fascist and still far-right party or with Forza Italia, the party created by Silvio Berlusconi. But would this move prevent a populist government?

Putin and the Costs of Being Wrong

Since mid-2019, Moscow experiences a wave of public protests, triggered by the decision of the government not to allow several opposition candidates to run for the city parliament in the elections scheduled for September. How can we explain this unprecedented rise of spontaneous protests activity? For me, the protests in Moscow are an example of a core problem any authoritarian regime faces but which is frequently overlooked by the analysts and scientists: the risks of mistakes.

Wie hoch müssen die Hammel springen?

Ende Juni bezweifelte die AfD-Fraktion bei einer nächtlichen Sitzung zum „Zweiten Datenschutz-Anpassungs- und -Umsetzungsgesetz EU“ die Beschlussfähigkeit des Bundestags. Offenkundig waren weniger als die Hälfte seiner Mitglieder anwesend. Nichtsdestotrotz wies der Sitzungsvorstand das Ansinnen der AfD-Fraktion zurück, indem er die Beschlussfähigkeit einmütig bejahte. Schon unmittelbar nach dem verweigerten Hammelsprung sprach die AfD von einem „Rechtsbruch“. Heute nun hat die Fraktion angekündigt, das Verhalten des Sitzungsvorstands tatsächlich in Karlsruhe prüfen zu lassen. Die Erfolgsaussichten sind gering.

Braucht ein »kranker« Wahlrechtsschutz neue Therapien?

An diesem Freitag wird die Hauptsacheentscheidung des Sächsischen Verfassungsgerichtshofs in Sachen Landesliste der AfD Sachsen erwartet. Im einstweiligen Rechtsschutz hatte der Gerichtshof der Partei teilweise Recht gegeben. Diese Entscheidung hat nicht nur eine bemerkenswerte Vorgeschichte, sie markiert zugleich einen fundamentalen Bruch mit der bisherigen Rechtsprechung in Wahlsachen. Das kann man im Grundsatz mit Blick auf die Rechtsschutzeffektivität begrüßen, die Langzeitwirkungen, die damit einhergehen, sind aber kaum vorhersehbar.