Le Pen oder Macron? Scheinriesen werden sie beide sein

Der französische Präsident, so liest und hört man es anlässlich des Wahlkampfs derzeit in deutschen Medien, ist mit einer Machtfülle ausgestattet, die in der westlichen Welt ihresgleichen sucht. Das nährt die Angst vor einem Wahlsieg der Rechtspopulistin Marine Le Pen. Doch so berechtigt die Sorge vor der Symbolkraft eines Sieges der Führerin des Front National auch sein mag – sie wird Frankreich nicht im Alleingang umkrempeln können. Denn während sich die Präsidenten der 5. Republik politisch als Sonnenkönige gerieren konnten, solange sie über eine Mehrheit in der Nationalversammlung verfügten, entpuppten sie sich als verfassungsrechtliche Scheinriesen, sobald sich ihr politisches Lager in der parlamentarischen Opposition wiederfand.

The Return of the Sovereign: A Look at the Rule of Law in Hungary – and in Europe

The Hungarian law makers have enacted a law that will make the operation of foreign-funded universities all but impossible, and aim to do the same to foreign-funded NGOs. These measures fail to meet even the most basic features of how legal rules are envisioned in a rule of law framework. The carefully crafted new Hungarian laws use the cloak of national security to stab the rule of law, as understood in Europe, in the heart.

More Is Less: Multiple Citizenship, Political Participation, and Mr Erdogan

I must differ with my colleague, Peter Spiro, and those who consider dual citizenship unproblematic or even progressive and a facilitator of immigrant integration. The devaluation of citizenship that widespread dual citizenship both reflects and worsens is in fact bad for those who need democracy and seek social equality. It is also another moment in which political power has yielded to market power. At the same time, making dual citizenship illegal, or even discouraging it, is a pointless effort since even after the current nationalist-populist wave passes, human mobility is highly likely to remain at high levels.

Im Netz der Sicherheit: das BKA-Gesetz und die Grenzen der Zentralisierung

Das neue BKA-Gesetz soll eine Regelung zur Fußfessel für so genannte Gefährder enthalten, die als Modell für die Landesgesetzgebung dienen soll. Die Vorlage einer verfassungsrechtlich umstrittenen Regelung durch den Bund soll die Länder sicherheitsrechtlich inspirieren. Doch die Verfassungsordnung setzt Grenzen. Die Frage, ob Bund oder Länder besser in der Lage sind, Sicherheit zu gewährleisten, bedarf differenzierender Antworten, bei denen die Ebene der Europäischen Union einzubeziehen ist. Effektivität ist nicht der einzige Maßstab. Hinzu tritt vorrangig die angemessene Wahrung der Freiheit.

The Polish Judiciary Reform: Problematic under European standards and a Challenge for Germany

The latest efforts of the Polish government to reform the judiciary have met with fierce criticism both nationally and internationally. A new legislation concerning the National Council for the Judiciary has recently been introduced to the Polish Parliament and awaits deliberation. The approach the Polish government has chosen is indeed problematic in the light of European standards for Councils for the Judiciary – but so is the German model of selecting judges, which the Polish governments explicitly refers to as a point of reference for their reform.

Damaging the Legitimacy of the Spanish Constitutional Court

The Spanish legislative burdens the Constitutional Court with the task to prevent Catalonia from pursuing independence. To use the Constitutional Court as the main barricade against any attempt at starting the independence process does tremendous damage to the Court itself as it undermines its perception as neutral arbiter and, thereby, its legitimation.

After Article 50 and Before Withdrawal: Does Constitutional Theory Require a General Election in the United Kingdom Before Brexit?

On March 29th, Theresa May will notify the EU Council of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU. This is the result of the Brexit referendum which, for the first time in the United Kingdom’s constitutional history, has opened up a powerful new source of popular sovereignty as a social fact. It is necessary for the constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom that this new stream of popular social legitimacy is realigned with the existing stream of Parliamentary Sovereignty. The most effective and desirable way in which to achieve this would be for a General Election to take place.

Sententia non existens – the future of jurisprudence of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal?

One of the latest topics in the debate on the future of constitutional control in Poland concerns the possibility and the need of common court judges to directly apply the Constitution. This possibility has already existed in theory – according to the Article 8 para 2 of the Constitution of Poland, the provisions of the Constitution shall apply directly, unless the Constitution provides otherwise. However, in practice, until now in case when the conformity of the normative act with the Constitution was questioned in particular case, the court has always referred the question of law the Constitutional Tribunal. The need to come back to the discussion on direct applicability of the Constitution stems from the questionable legality of some Constitutional Tribunal rulings in connection with the incorrect appointment of three so-called “quasi-judges” in December 2015.

Impeaching Remnants of the Authoritarian Past: A Constitutional Moment in South Korea

Last Friday, effective March 10 at exactly 11:21 a.m., the sitting President Park Geun-hye was removed from her office by a unanimous decision of the South Korean Constitutional Court. With public life coming to a standstill as eyes focused on TV and internet live broadcasting, the acting Chief Justice delivered the court decision. The conclusion of the constitutional impeachment procedure marked the climax of a transformative ongoing constitutional moment in South Korea.