Europe’s Sick Success Child

Poland's rule of law crisis, spurred by the ruling coalition under Jarosław Kaczyński, has caused severe damage to its legal system and democratic foundations. The European Union has responded with infringement proceedings and withholding of funds, leading to some concessions from the Polish government. Yet, Poland's legal community and civil society have shown resilience, challenging these attacks in courts, advocating for democratic values, and maintaining a robust private media. As parliamentary elections loom, the question arises: can this resilience lead to a restoration of the rule of law?

The Comeback of the Mixed Chamber

Three years ago, in the wake of the Weiss judgment of the German Federal Constitutional Court, we proposed the creation of a “Mixed Chamber” in the Court of Justice of the European Union, to rule in last instance on judicial disputes on points of Union competence. The rationale of a Chamber so composed is not obvious. After all, in a Union in which EU Law has primacy over national law, in which the autonomy of EU law is all-pervasive and where the Court of Justice is the ultimate interpreter of EU law, why should a Mixed Chamber be needed? We believe there are at least three good reasons that make a Mixed Chamber as salient as ever.

False Hope for Democracy in Bosnia & Herzegovina

Bosnia & Herzegovina (B&H) is notoriously hard to govern. Scarred from a bloody war in the 1990s after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the country’s constitutional order emerged in international peace talks in the United States. What later became famous as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) might have stopped the war but, in our opinion, sowed the seeds for complex democratic problems today. As we will show in this text, the ECtHR’s judgments represent a false hope for democracy in B&H, because ethnopolitical parties in B&H will not agree on how to implement the ECtHR’s judgments and the Office of the High Representative will not take a more active role in this context. We therefore argue against an earlier contribution on this blog by Woelk (2023), who suggested that the solution for the implementation of the ECtHR’s judgments should come from within the country, as we will show, ethnopolitical actors do not have a real interest in implementing these judgments. To put it bluntly, change from within is, alas, pie in the sky. It is much more likely that nothing changes and the powers that are remain the powers that will be.

Wartime Elections as Democratic Backsliding

The topic of the next elections to the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) of Ukraine unexpectedly surfaced in public discourse towards the end of spring this year. Julia Kyrychenko and Olha Ivasiuk’s recent article on Verfassungsblog outlines major legal and practical obstacles to holding wartime elections in Ukraine. In their illuminating analysis, the authors make a strong case against wartime elections, a viewpoint largely shared by civil society. My argument is a bit different. I will argue that (1) wartime parliamentary elections are expressis verbis inconsistent with the Ukrainian Constitution, and (2) wartime elections would undermine the legitimacy of democratic institutions and potentially lead to democratic backsliding.

No Voting Under Fire

Can Ukraine hold elections while it is in the midst of a full-scale invasion by Russia? This question has recently received international attention, including comments from US Senator Lindsey Graham advocating for elections during the war. However, holding elections during the current state of war faces not only factual but also legal obstacles. Genuine democratic elections cannot be conducted under fire from Russian troops.

Kein Geld für Verfassungsfeinde

Die Ampel-Fraktionen diskutieren zur Stunde endlich über einen konkreten Entwurf für ein Stiftungsfinanzierungsgesetz (StiftFinG-E). Der aktuell diskutierte Entwurf enthält einen brauchbaren Instrumentenkasten, um der akuten Bedrohung durch die Desiderius-Erasmus-Stiftung zu begegnen. Das Gesetz muss jedoch auch für zukünftige, möglicherweise ganz andere politische Kräfteverhältnisse gewappnet sein und dafür die materiellen Bewertungen von den Einschätzungen des Verfassungsschutzes entkoppeln, Wissenschaft und Zivilgesellschaft mit einbeziehen und ein Verständnis der freiheitlich demokratischen Grundordnung verankern, das die Unteilbarkeit der Menschenwürde in den Mittelpunkt stellt.

Poland’s Elections: Free, perhaps, but not Fair

Poland’s upcoming parliamentary elections will be the country’s most important vote since the historic elections of 1989. Indeed, the momentous character of the elections might be the only thing upon which the governing PiS (Law and Justice) party and the opposition might agree. If the elections in October were fair, PiS’ defeat might be plausible though by no means certain. Yet, the preceding sentence identifies a condition we already know will not occur. In this analysis, I map the multiple ways in which the system has been rigged in favour of the incumbents. While I will only describe the most striking aspects of this unfairness, they all form parts of a system and thus should not be looked at in isolation. Kaczyński is a shrewd politician. There’s a method to his (apparent) madness. For the opposition to win is thus a Herculean task. Herculeses do appear in politics – but not that often.

Plebiszit gegen die Naturnahme

Der Abbau fossiler Brennstoffe erfordert einen rechtlichen Rahmen, der es ermöglicht, dass Bodenschätze angeeignet und kommerzialisiert werden. Die dazugehörigen Verwaltungsverfahren sind dabei regelmäßig technisch ausgestaltet und ermöglichen es kaum, strukturelle Fragen (etwa, ob trotz Klimakatastrophe weiterhin Erdöl gefördert werden soll) zu thematisieren. Eine Abkehr von diesen überkommenen Grundsätzen des rechtlichen Umgangs mit dem Rohstoffabbau war jüngst in Ecuador zu beobachten: Hier stimmten am 20. August 2023 knapp 59% der Wähler*innen bei einer nationalen Volksabstimmung dafür, die Ölbohrungen im amazonischen Yasuní-Nationalpark, einem Biodiversitätshotspot und Wohnort indigener Gruppen in freiwilliger Isolation, zu stoppen. Über 700 Millionen Barrel Öl sollen nun im Boden belassen werden. Es handelt sich um einen der weltweit seltenen Fälle der direktdemokratischen Entscheidung über den Rohstoffabbau. Indem sie die Frage der Zukunft der Erdölförderung im Yasuní zum Gegenstand offener politischer Debatte macht, erlaubt sie, dies in einem Kontext zu diskutieren, der über das konkrete Projekt hinausreicht.

A First Nations Voice to Parliament

Last weekend saw tens of thousands of Australians rally in support of a referendum on an Indigenous Voice to Parliament. The Voice would be a representative body comprised of Indigenous Australians empowered to make representations to Parliament and the federal government on matters that relate to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Its animating objective is to guarantee that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples can have a say in the development of law and policy that affects them. The Voice is not a silver bullet. But if the referendum fails, basic problems concerning the relationship of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and the State will remain unaddressed. Indigenous Australians will also continue to struggle to have their interests considered in the processes of governance.

Justice-on-Demand at the Indonesian Constitutional Court?

Indonesia will have the world’s biggest one-day election in 2024. More than 200 million voters will go to the ballots to choose the next president and legislative members on 14 February, opening a fresh chapter for the nation’s leadership after a decade of President Joko Widodo’s rule. In recent weeks, the Constitutional Court has been flooded with back-to-back filings for judicial review of Indonesia’s General Election Law. Against the backdrop of Indonesia’s declining levels of trust in public institution, the Court’s rulings might not only change the rules of Indonesia’s electoral game but also threaten to further impair its own independence and integrity.