Pressure to Party?

Much has changed – and been written – since the ‘Alternative für Deutschland’ (AfD) was founded ten years ago by some rather neoliberal economists and former conservative party members. Today, hardly anyone talks about its early Eurosceptic profile, as it was soon replaced by nativist, authoritarian positions, making the party a typical member of the (populist) radical right party family. This shift to the far right was accompanied by a massive change in the party’s executive committee and membership base in 2015. Today, none of the first party spokespersons is a member of the party anymore.

Enteignen für den Wiederaufbau?

Jeden Tag bringt der Krieg in der Ukraine unerträgliches und unvorstellbares menschliches Leid mit sich. Vor diesem Hintergrund fällt es schwer, schon heute einen nüchternen Blick auf die Zeit nach Beendigung der Kampfhandlungen in der Ukraine und einer Zurückdrängung des russischen Aggressors zu werfen. Das allerdings scheint notwendig, um moralisierender Politik notwendige rechtsstaatliche Rationalität entgegenzusetzen. Konkret geht es dabei um die Frage, ob es möglich ist, staatliches und/oder privates russisches Vermögen entschädigungslos zu enteignen, um so den Wiederaufbau der Ukraine zu finanzieren. Diese Überlegung liegt insbesondere der Erkenntnis zugrunde, dass die durch die russische Aggression verursachten Schäden in der Ukraine schon jetzt auf über eine Billion US-Dollar geschätzt werden.

The Chilean Constituent Process: Take 2

After months of difficult negotiations, political parties in Chile agreed on the conditions for a new constituent process. This second attempt at drafting a new constitution for Chile looks radically different than the first process. While in the first process an elected Convention had the task to draft the new constitutional text, the draft that results from this second process will be produced by the interaction of three different organs: Council, Commission and Committee. Members of two of them, Commission and Committee, are not elected and have a rather “technical” character. Has legal expertise thus replaced political will in the second process?

Adapt or Die?

The year 2022 will be remembered as one of ‘terrible violence and seismic change in Europe’, in the words of the High Level Reflection Group established by the Council of Europe to consider the organisation’s future. The Council of Europe has issued a public call for ideas, inviting input from international organisations, national human rights institutions, civil society organisations, academics, human rights defenders and others. The deadline for submissions is imminent – 20 February – and the need for radical thinking has never been greater.

Daumenschrauben für den Gesetzgeber

Was haben Annalena Baerbock, Marco Buschmann und Gregor Gysi gemeinsam? Sie und 213 andere Bundestagsabgeordnete von Grünen, FDP und Linken waren Antragsteller einer abstrakten Normenkontrolle, welche sich gegen die Erhöhung der staatlichen Parteienfinanzierung richtete, die die damalige Große Koalition 2018 beschloss. Das Bundesverfassungsgericht hat diese Erhöhung nun für verfassungswidrig erklärt. Das Urteil vom 24.01.23 ist kein „drittes Parteienfinanzierungsurteil“, dafür mangelt es der Entscheidung an einem wirklichen inhaltlichen Umbruch. Neuland betritt das Gericht dann aber in der Folge durch die Herausarbeitung von prozeduralen und inhaltlichen Anforderungen an eine Erhöhung der absoluten Obergrenze.

The Indian Supreme Court Collegium Picking its Battle

In an unprecedented move, the collegium of the Supreme Court of India on the 17th and 18th of January, 2023, passed resolutions calling out the executive’s delay in the judicial appointments of five advocates by publicly countering the government’s objections against their appointment. In this piece, I discuss how the Supreme Court collegium has confronted the discriminatory treatment of persons who openly identify as a part of the LGBTQIA+ community in the process of judicial appointments by standing up to the executive’s bullying. The piece also looks into how the collegium has confronted the union government’s attempt to suppress dissent among advocates and why these resolutions are highly consequential.

Ein bisschen kleinlich

Nachdem es um die Parteienfinanzierung bald dreißig Jahre schon fast verdächtig still geworden war, hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht mit seinem Urteil vom Dienstag dieser Woche erneut ein Ausrufezeichen gesetzt. Das Gericht kippte den Aufschlag, den der Gesetzgeber den Parteien mit dem Gesetz zur Änderung des Parteiengesetzes und anderer Gesetze vom 10. Juli 2018 genehmigt hatte; dadurch war das Gesamtvolumen der staatlichen Zuwendungen nach § 18 II PartG von 165 auf 190 Millionen Euro erhöht worden. Das Ergebnis war von meisten Beobachtern und auch von den Parteien selbst so vorhergesehen worden, aber die Begründung fiel am Ende doch anders aus als noch vor der mündlichen Verhandlung erwartet.

Searching for a Government

On 21 January 2023, Slovak voters had the opportunity to use their constitutional right to vote in a referendum on a constitutional amendment on early elections. The referendum was, however, invalid, because a valid referendum in Slovakia requires a turnout of at least half of all eligible voters. The referendum took place less than six weeks after the no-confidence vote to the Slovak executive by the Slovak parliament. This development prompted steps towards amending the Constitution so that early elections become constitutionally permissible.

War over Israel’s Judicial Independence

The new Israeli government wasted no time in initiating an all-out attack on the independence of the judiciary. It is promoting in full speed two parallel proposals to reform the judiciary in the hope that at least one of them, or a hybrid of both will be codified. The government claims that its proposed judicial reform will promote a more democratic and representative judiciary. Yet, a careful analysis of its proposed reform suggests that the government intends to fully politicize the judiciary. It will change the process of appointment to the Judicial Selection Committee, placing control in the hands of the government. Simultaneously, it will neutralize the ability of the opposition in the Knesset and the professional elites (the Justices and the Bar Association) to protect judicial independence from governmental takeover.

The Council of Europe Creates a Black Box for AI Policy

The Council of Europe Committee on AI has made a startling decision to carry forward future work on the development of an international convention on AI behind closed doors, despite the Council’s call for the Democratic Governance of Artificial Intelligence in a 2020 resolution. It is a surprising move from an international organization that has been at the forefront of efforts to promote greater transparency and accountability for the technology that is transforming the world.