Verfassungsrechtliche Rahmenbedingungen für demokratische Regierungsführung, Gewaltenteilung, institutionelles Design und demokratische Prozesse. Umfasst die verfassungsrechtlichen Strukturen für Legislative, Exekutive und Judikative, Wahlsysteme, Föderalismus und verfassungsrechtliche Mechanismen demokratischer Rechenschaftspflicht.
Zweifel waren seine Sache nie. Deswegen wird der ehemalige Bundeskanzler und Parteivorsitzende Gerhard Schröder die Entscheidung des Schiedsgerichts der SPD Hannover, ihn weder aus der Partei auszuschließen noch anders zu sanktionieren, bloß als Bestätigung seiner Person und Position verstehen. Warum denn auch nicht?
Die Reform der Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament ist eine große Herausforderung. Nach einem bisher erfolglosen Reformversuch von 2015/18 hat das EP im Mai 2022 eine zweite Initiative für eine viel weitergehende Reform gestartet. Auch diese wird nicht einfach umzusetzen sein.
The three quasi-judges in the Constitutional Tribunal and their participation in its adjudication are like a spoonful of tar in a barrel of honey: they contaminate the whole of the Tribunal. That is why the whole of the Constitutional Tribunal should be replaced in the event of a electoral victory of the democratic opposition in 2023.
In Brazil, the National Congress recently passed the Constitutional Amendment no. 123, nicknamed the “Kamikaze Bill” due to it budgetary impact. It qualifies the current situation – inflation, rise of gasoline price, shortage of goods, pandemic to name just a few – as an emergency state, creating financial and tax benefits for biofuel producers and providing welfare payments for part of the population.
Der Streit um das Altkanzlerbüro von Gerhard Schröder legt die ungeklärten Fragen in der Abgrenzung von privater und staatlicher Sphäre im Verfassungsrecht offen.
On 22 July, the Provincial Assembly of the Punjab, Pakistan’s largest province, convened to elect a new Chief Minister. Punjab’s political turmoil is the first trial run of the Court’s drastic reconfiguration of Pakistan’s political regime with a judgement this May that completely eliminates legislators’ ability to vote against the party line in confidence matters. Departing from essential principles of parliamentarism, the Court has incorporated the notion of executives remaining in office without the confidence of the House into Pakistan’s constitutional framework. The difficulties that already have arisen from working this party-centric parliamentarism demonstrate its dangers for democratic consolidation and underline the need for the Court to reconsider its position.
Earlier this month, during a record-breaking heatwave and a Conservative party leadership contest that will determine the next UK Prime Minister, the High Court quietly issued a judgment that may have nearly as much impact on the course of UK climate policy over the coming decades than either of the other events. The High Court judgement in the Net Zero Strategy legal challenge can be considered a landmark victory. On the one hand, the case can be understood as a narrow administrative law challenge to the process by which a government decision was made. On the other hand, however, the judgment can be understood in the context of a growing number of cases around the world which demonstrate the critical role of the law and the courts in creating accountability for climate action – something that is increasingly vital in the face of a warming world and a lack of public trust in key institutions.
Erinnern Sie sich noch an die Diskussion um eine Studie zu Rassismus und Rechtsextremismus in der Polizei, die 2020 geführt wurde? Nach der Tötung von George Floyd in den USA und einer Vielzahl an deutschen Polizeiskandalen begann man auch in Deutschland verstärkt über Polizeigewalt, Racial Profiling und Rechtsextremismus in der Polizei zu diskutieren und die Öffentlichkeit drängte auf eine großangelegte Studie. Zunächst verweigerte der damalige Bundesinnenminister Horst Seehofer und ließ verlauten: „Die halten ja für uns den Kopf hin und deshalb gibt es jetzt keine Studie, die sich gegen die Polizei mit Unterstellungen oder Vorwürfen richtet.“
A few days ago, the Georgian government filed a constitutional complaint against the President of Georgia to the Constitutional Court. Many in Georgia, and not only in Georgia, think that the government is trying to curtail the powers of the president and punish the president for her pro-European political activities. What is interesting in this context is how strong the government's legal positions really are.
Sri Lankan president Gotabhaya Rajapaksa finally resigned on 14 July 2022. The Speaker of the Sri Lankan Parliament confirmed the resignation on 15 July 2022. This is a tremendous victory for the people who have asserted their sovereignty through their daily activism. Recognizing the Sri Lankan crisis as a constitutional moment to introduce legal-political reforms is imperative to respond to the worst economic crisis the country has faced since independence and to engage with the diverse range of protestors within a constitutional-political framework.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters