The Placeless Parliament

Parliaments form a structural fixture in government districts around the world, they are the pivotal place where public affairs are negotiated and formulated. The Russian assault on Ukraine has made it abundantly clear that this place no longer exists in Kiev. At least it is no longer available to the representatives, and the parliament is forced to reinvent itself as a "placeless actor“. It is not very surprising that this reinvention is taking place in the digital space.

De-AKPification

Opinion polls by Turkey’s reputable polling firms consistently indicate that the governing AKP and its de facto coalition partner, the far-right nationalist MHP, are losing their popularity and heading to a potential defeat in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections of 2023. As an anti-AKP victory, or at least the real possibility thereof, draws near day by day, a vital question arises: how should opposition forces treat AKP operatives in the judiciary and bureaucracy? Is it possible to “de-AKPify” ex- or soon-to-be-ex-AKP operatives?

The United Parliament

While we frequently hear about Presidents taking the role of a commander in chief in times of war, the legislature, too, can play an important role. Whether a country succeeds in a war depends not least on how well its legislature is able to adjust to face the challenges of war. This blog post takes a closer look at the Ukrainian Parliament – the Verkhovna Rada (the Rada hereafter) – and its roles and activities during the war of the Russian Federation on Ukraine.

Systemversagen?

Der bis März dieses Jahres amtierende UN-Sonderberichterstatter für Folter und andere grausame, unmenschliche oder erniedrigende Behandlung, Nils Melzer, hat der Bundesrepublik bei der Aufarbeitung rechtswidriger Polizeigewalt „Systemversagen“ attestiert und festgestellt, übermäßige polizeiliche Gewaltanwendung sei in Deutschland ein „blinder Fleck“. Was Nils Melzer zu Recht zum Thema gemacht hat ist nichts weniger als ein strukturelles Defizit bei der rechtsstaatlichen Kontrolle exekutiven Handelns, das nach einem entsprechenden Ausgleich verlangt.

Democracy Under Total War

Ukraine is engaged in an existential war for survival. One need not accept the full role of the exception from Carl Schmitt to acknowledge that the struggle to withstand a brutal assault on civilians transcends all other issues. Ukrainian constitutional law recognizes the need for exceptional powers during a state of emergency, as does every other constitutional order whether expressly or tacitly. Necessarily, a war for survival shifts authority from parliament to the executive and many of the founding principles of democracy may be suspended during the emergency, even such defining features of democracy as popular selection of the government.

Ukraine’s Parliament in Wartime

To defend Ukraine is to defend constitutional democracy and the rule of law. But the defence of Ukraine must occur through constitutional democracy and the rule of law. The Verkhovna Rada is a central institution in the Ukrainian constitutional order. The Verkhovna Rada’s legislative authority continues to exist during armed conflict and states of emergency. Indeed, the Verkhovna Rada plays a vital role in such situations. However, the routine operations of the Verkhovna Rada in these extraordinary circumstances have been very challenging.

Zurück zur Präsenz

Parteitage sind weit mehr als nur eine Notwendigkeit des Parteiengesetzes zur Sicherstellung innerparteilicher Demokratie. Sie leben von den Teilnehmern und den vielfältigen sozialen Interaktionen. Gerade die Netzwerkbildung, informelle Absprachen bei Wahlen und Abstimmungen, die Suche nach und die Organisation von Mehrheiten oder die Orchestrierung von Debatten sind Prozesse, die hochgradig von persönlicher, oft auch vertraulicher Kommunikation vor Ort bestimmt werden.

A Male, White and Conservative Constitutional Judge

In February and March 2022, three new members have been appointed to the French Conseil constitutionnel. A closer look at the new composition shows that France’s constitutional court is composed of a majority of male, white, elitist graduates with a right-wing tilt, drawn from the ranks of politicians and civil servants. In a broader sense, it is actually a good portrait of the current French political system, which seems to resemble some kind of oligarchy.