EU-Verfassungsrecht, verfassungsrechtlicher Rahmen der europäischen Integration und Mehrebenenverfassungsrecht. Umfasst EU-Institutionenrecht, Grundfreiheiten, EU-Grundrechte, verfassungsrechtliche Aspekte der EU-Mitgliedschaft und das Verhältnis zwischen EU-Recht und nationalen Verfassungsordnungen.
The European Parliament has called for he creation of a European cross-border constituency, a transnational list of candidates from across the continent. This idea, recently popularised by French president Emmanuel Macron, has been gutted by the European People's Party, though – a move which could itself be seen as a powerful manifestation of the importance of transnational partisanship in the EU.
In the judgment of 18th of April 2018 the European Court of Justice has ruled (unsurprisingly) that by carrying on logging activities on the UNESCO-protected Białowieża Forest, Poland has failed to fulfil its obligations under EU law. In the Białowieża case the process of judicialization of the EU governance called for a concerted action and dual commitments: from the Court and the Commission. The Court did its part, Commission failed and reverted to its bad ways from the past: negotiating with the government who has been giving short shrift to the Commission and to the core values of the EU law for two years and will continue doing that under the pretense of striving for a compromise with the EU. The Commission continues to be missing one crucial element: the politics of resentment are not just one-off aberration.
The Glyphosate saga that had been troubling farmers, regulators, activists and corporations for almost seven years, finally came to an end with the renewal of the authorization for the infamously notorious pesticide in December 2017. Or did it? Reacting to the widespread institutional and societal concern generated by the uncertainty over Glyphosate’s safety, the European Parliament has set up a special committee on the authorization procedure for pesticides, which held its first working meeting in Brussels on April 12th, 2018. With this, the first renewal of Glyphosate’s authorization became a major case of politicization of science in the European Union.
The decision by the Oberlandesgericht of Schleswig in the Puigdemont case is a flawed ruling that seriously undermines the effectiveness of the European arrest warrant, and I would even say its future survival. It is also a manifest example of mistrust between courts of Member States, the type of conduct that destroys the foundations of mutual recognition and judicial cooperation.
The Celmer case calls for us to reflect on the question what role judicial authorities can and should play in ensuring compliance with democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights (DRF) in other EU Member States. In our view, judicial authorities ultimately have an independent responsibility to put a halt to surrenders, in case the wanted person’s fair trial rights are put in peril due to a general lack of judicial independence in the issuing state. At the same time, the political responsibility for balancing diverse EU constitutional principles needs to be borne by democratically elected institutions. Therefore, the court of the executing state should not only halt or suspend judicial cooperation in the event that persuasive pieces of evidence point to a violation of the values shared by the EU and the Member States in the issuing state, but it should also freeze the case awaiting a resolution of the matter from political actors.
Ist die Auslieferung von Carles Puigdemont tatsächlich allein der deutschen Justiz überantwortet? Zweifel sind angebracht. Denn blickt man genauer auf den EU-Rahmenbeschluss zum Europäischen Haftbefehl, wird schnell deutlich: Es stellen sich eine Reihe europarechtlicher (Vor-)Fragen, zu deren Auslegung allein der Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union (EuGH) berufen ist.
Über Carles Puigdemont, katalanische Identität, spanische Strafjustiz und europäisches Vertrauen: eine juristische Geschichte über Wahn und Wirklichkeit.
Carles Puigdemont, the fugitive former President of Catalonia wanted by Spanish law authorities, has been arrested in Germany. The German equivalent to his alleged crime of rebellion is high treason.
This text was published in social media in January 2017 in a series of improvised, spontaneous tweets, which reached 3 million views within one month. Their common element was their trademark signature, “- With love, your Eastern European friends”, and the accompanying hashtag #LearnFromEurope. Excerpts and summaries were published by various on-line media, but this is the first time it is published as a whole.
Die Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise in Polen rückt zunehmend in den Fokus der Gerichte. Das gilt auch für den EuGH und die Gerichte anderer, auf den ersten Blick nicht direkt betroffener EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Eine Entscheidung des irischen High Courts vom 12. März 2018 zeigt die übergreifenden Folgen der „polnischen“ Rechtsstaatlichkeitskrise in bislang ungekannter Prägnanz auf. Die Botschaft lautet: Die Negation rechtsstaatlicher Grundsätze, wie sie derzeit in Polen zu beobachten ist, rüttelt an den Grundfesten der europäischen Rechtsgemeinschaft. Sie kann als solche auch außerhalb Polens nicht ignoriert werden.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters