Mainstreaming Gender in EU Arms Export Controls

With the third review of the EU Common Position on Exports of Military Technology and Equipment (EU Common Position) well underway, there is a critical opportunity to align this document with international instruments that incorporate gender considerations in the arms trade. In light of this, the post examines the increasing integration of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) within arms trade legal frameworks and calls for the EU Common Position to explicitly reference gender beyond its already present human rights considerations.

Non-Binary Gender Markers in Italy?

In July, the Italian Constitutional Court recognised the existence of non-binary people for the first time in Italian history. Although the decision as such is a big step for queer rights in Italy, the Court stops halfway. In contrast to the German “Dritte Option” decision, the Court does not set clear instructions or deadlines for the Parliament. Italy’s current far-right political climate likely means non-binary gender markers will not be introduced by the Italian Parliament anytime soon.

Breaking with Conservatism?

The Japanese Supreme Court has been described as “the most conservative constitutional court in the world”. And, though lower courts can sometimes be more active, the Japanese judiciary as a whole tends also to be referred to as conservative. However, recent developments challenge this view. In particular, Japanese courts have begun to issue rulings in favour of the rights of sexual and gender minorities on issues like same-sex marriage and gender recognition. Do these decisions suggest that the conservatism of the Japanese judiciary has been overstated – or are they signs of change?

Growing the Living Tree

On 21 June 2024, the High Court of Namibia in Friedel Laurentius Dausab vs. The Minister of Justice unanimously held that laws criminalizing same-sex relationships are unconstitutional and invalid. The judgment significantly advances anti-discrimination law jurisprudence in Namibia, particularly in relation to the grounds of sexual orientation and the interpretation of constitutional equality provisions.

Männer- statt Minderjährigenschutz

Wie man mit Minderjährigenehen umgehen soll, sorgt seit Jahren für Diskussionen. Seit 2017 sind sie in Deutschland unwirksam, wenn einer der Ehegatten zum Zeitpunkt der Eheschließung unter 16 Jahre alt war. Das soll die Ächtung von Minderjährigenehen zum Ausdruck bringen, führt aber zu erheblichen Problemen für die betroffenen Minderjährigen. Denn ihnen wird auf diese Weise der Schutz des Eherechts vorenthalten. Auch der aktuelle Gesetzentwurf hilft ihnen kaum.

The New Transgender Ruling in Czechia

In a recent decision in the case of N.G. (Pl. ÚS 52/23), the Czech Constitutional Court (CCC) addressed the pressing issue of trans persons’ rights, more specifically the requirements for legal gender reassignment, involving (often involuntary) sterilisation and castration. When compared to the earlier decision in T.H. (Pl. ÚS 2/20), the new ruling represents a major shift. In fact, the CCC changed its legal position by 180 degrees, giving preference to protecting individual rights over deferring to the legislator’s choices.

KlimaSeniorinnen and Gender

This blog post discusses the relevance of the KlimaSeniorinnen case to the discussion of vulnerability and intersectional gender in climate litigation. To date, very few climate cases have addressed the gendered dimensions of climate change and there was some hope that this case would. However, as this post argues, despite the fact that KlimaSeniorinnen is a case about the impacts of climate change on elderly women, the Court fails to meaningfully engage with gender as a determinant of the harms suffered by individuals. Gender remains an overlooked issue in climate litigation.

Rejecting Lip Service or Validating 1930s Family Values?

On 8th March 2024, the Irish people rejected two separate constitutional referendums on family and care in an overwhelming no vote. These amendments aimed to update a conservative and gendered ideal of family found in Article 41. The family and care referendums involved more abstract statements of directive constitutional values. The result of the referendums is a win for voter confusion, anger towards the government and the NoNo campaign. It is also a loss for political constitutionalism.

Verfassungswidrige Sprachverbote

In Hessen haben sich CDU und SPD für ihre Koalitionsverhandlungen auf ein Eckpunktepapier geeinigt, in dem sie auch ankündigen festzuschreiben, „dass in staatlichen und öffentlich-rechtlichen Institutionen (wie Schulen, Universitäten, Rundfunk) auf das Gendern mit Sonderzeichen verzichtet wird und eine Orientierung am Rat der deutschen Sprache erfolgt“. Gemeint ist damit ein Verbot geschlechtergerechter Sprache nicht nur für Schulen, sondern auch für grundrechtsberechtigte (und ‑verpflichtete) Körperschaften und Anstalten des öffentlichen Rechts. Ein solches Verbot wäre offensichtlich verfassungswidrig – doch seine Ankündigung bringt politischen Profit.

Deregulating Legal Gender in the Shadow of Social Ascription

On 23 August 2023, the German government published a bill on Gender Self-Determination (hereinafter also referred to as SBGG-E). The bill is currently under debate before the German parliament (Bundestag) and is subject to heated socio-political debate. Its primary objective consists of deregulating the conditions for altering and deleting the gender entry provided by the German Civil Status Act. Aside from a strong commitment to deregulating legal gender (Section 1 SBGG-E), the bill sets boundaries and conditions for gender recognition. While some appear self-explanatory, others are infused by what I will hereinafter refer to as the ‘logic of social ascription’.