A Nod, Not a Leap

This post focuses on one notable aspect of AO-32/25 that has not received attention in other commentary–the IACtHR’s engagement with gender issues. We find that the IACtHR has taken an important step forward, both in recognizing gender as a key determinant of climate vulnerability and in identifying gender-responsive obligations on States. However, the IACtHR’s comments in this regard remain general and often gestural. The obligations identified are limited, narrow, and many relate to data gathering rather than substantial action.

Die Sache mit der Menschenwürde

Im ersten Absatz des ersten Artikels des Grundgesetzes steht das bundesrepublikanische Glaubensbekenntnis: „Die Würde des Menschen ist unantastbar.“ Kein anderer Satz ist in Deutschland derart demonstrativ konsensfähig, kein anderer Satz bedient derart das deutsche Bedürfnis nach moralischer, nicht zuletzt erinnerungspolitischer Selbstvergewisserung, und kein anderer Satz der Verfassung eignet sich gerade deshalb derart gut für politisch zweckentfremdete Feindmarkierungen. In einem der unrühmlichsten Vorgänge der jüngeren deutschen Politikgeschichte hat das die Potsdamer Professorin Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf erfahren müssen.

The NGO’s Guide to Authoritarianism

It appears that whenever expert civil society organizations release a legal analysis of draft laws that restrict fundamental rights and freedoms, authoritarian governments learn from their mistakes and avoid them in the next round. One could witness such a situation when the Foreign Agents Registration Bill was introduced in the Slovak parliament last spring, and the public watchdog and advocacy organization VIA IURIS tried to stand against this legislation. In one year, the Slovak parliament considered three versions of the Bill, with each version making it more challenging to fight in court.

Laboratories of Authoritarianism

In Mahmoud v. Taylor, the U.S. Supreme Court expanded the 1st Amendment Free Exercise Clause to grant conservative religious parents a constitutional right to remove their children from any classroom where a teacher includes LGBTQAI+ people in the curriculum. In effect, the Court has allowed public schools to discourage mutual tolerance, parents to opt out of Equal Protection, and fringe legal strategists to continue to use children’s constitutional rights as a test case for authoritarianism. In doing so, the erosion of children’s rights becomes the foundation upon which other rights are eroded.

Zementierte Privilegien

Der erste Senat des Bundesverfassungsgerichts hat in seinem Beschluss vom 25. Juni 2025 entschieden, dass die Pflicht zur Abgabe einer Anschlusszusage bei promovierten wissenschaftlichen Mitarbeiter*innen gegen Art. 5 Abs. 3 S. 1 GG verstößt. Der Beschluss macht einmal mehr deutlich, dass in Deutschland die Wissenschaftsfreiheit allein aus der Perspektive der Professor*innen betrachtet wird.

Vet Bills and the EU Charter

Over the past decade, concerns about rising veterinary costs and their impact on animal welfare have sparked growing debate across Europe and North America. In the EU, veterinary pricing is largely unregulated, leading to significant variation in costs and transparency across Member States – prompting scrutiny from competition authorities in countries like the UK, the Netherlands, and Sweden. If Charter rights, particularly Article 37 on sustainability, are to carry real weight in relation to animals, the current state of the veterinary market in Europe warrants closer examination.

Silencing Children’s Rights

The U.S. Supreme Court decided Mahmoud v. Taylor on June 27, 2025. In doing so, it dramatically expanded parental rights over students and education without concern for the rights of children or consideration of pedagogy and curriculum. Instead of addressing the plurality of views around sexual orientation and gender, the Court indirectly, but unsubtly, installs a traditional values framework that imposes norms of heterosexuality, religious fundamentalism and parental micromanagement of curriculum.

Kein SLAPP-Back

„SLAPP“ („strategic lawsuits against public participation“) meint Konstellationen, in denen gerichtliche Verfahren als Druckmittel genutzt werden, um Personen zum Schweigen zu bringen – eine Strategie, die sich in den letzten Jahren nicht zuletzt in rechten Kreisen steigender Beliebtheit erfreut. Letztes Jahr erließ die EU eine Anti-SLAPP-Richtlinie. Das Justizministerium hat für deren Umsetzung nun einen Gesetzentwurf vorgelegt, der allerdings keine allzu großen Auswirkungen haben dürfte. Das liegt einerseits an den Maßnahmen, die er den SLAPPs entgegenstellt – andererseits aber auch daran, dass diese missbräuchlichen Klagen schwer zu fassen sind.

An Ecofeminist Approach to EU Biodiversity Law

This blog post aims at briefly addressing the issue of hunting as it is regulated in EU biodiversity law using legal ecofeminism as method of analysis. It starts from a reflection on ecofeminism as related to hunting, then argues that EU law, including the EU Charter is inherently anthropocentric, and highlights the ambiguities of EU biodiversity law. By referring to a judgment rendered by the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) on the conservation of wolves in 2019, this post encourages an ecofeminist legal reading of EU biodiversity law. E

The “Best Available Science”

Two recent fisheries disputes reveal that the “best available science” standard is neither singular nor straightforward. Instead, science emerges as contested terrain, shaped by power, uncertainty, and competing truths. These cases could have important implications for the future application of the EU’s Charter of Fundamental Rights and its growing relevance for biodiversity and animal protection.