In the End… Who Cares?

On 3 June 2025, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Justice delivered its judgment on the Kinsa-Case. At the core of the matter were the criminal charges of a third-country national for the facilitation of unauthorized entry of two minors in the territory of an EU Member State. With this ruling, the Court takes an important step towards the de-criminalization of care for migrant children who are seeking international protection. However, the Grand Chamber’s reasoning offers limited considerations on the relevant links between “actual care”, humanitarian assistance, and migrant children’s rights. This shortcoming may ultimately curb protection standards of migrant children in future cases

The European Union’s Fantastical Constitution

Recently, von Bogdandy and Spieker decided to boldly go where not even they had dared to go before. To overcome the possible Hungarian veto on prolonging EU sanctions against Russia, they propose that the explicit requirement in Article 31(1) TEU for such decisions to be taken by the Council acting unanimously should be overcome on the basis of Article 2 TEU. In their view, a Hungarian veto against further sanctions would violate the value of solidarity and the Hungarian vote should therefore not count. We argue that this would launch us into a whole new, and in our view, dangerous galaxy.

Nur gelbes Licht? 

Das Bundesverwaltungsgericht hat das Verbot von „Compact“ nun auch im Hauptsacheverfahren aufgehoben. Auch wenn sich die Compact GmbH mit dem „Remigrationskonzept“ identifiziere, das gegen die Menschenwürde und das Demokratieprinzip verstoße, sei die Vereinigung nicht ausreichend von verfassungswidrigen Äußerungen und Aktivitäten geprägt. Für den zukünftigen Umgang mit Medienverboten ist vor allem interessant: Das Gericht bleibt zwar im Grundsatz bei seiner Position, dass das Vereinsrecht auch auf faktische Medienverbote anwendbar ist. Doch es deutet eine bedeutsame Grenze dieses Grundsatzes an.

From Erosion to Evisceration

Last week, the Supreme Court decided the case United States v. Skrmetti. As Ryan Thoreson has argued on this blog, the Court’s opinion rolls back existing understandings of sex discrimination in ways that will likely play out in future cases. Building on that insight, I examine how the Court narrows what counts as sex discrimination and strips the concept of stereotypes of its constitutional force. The most troubling aspects of the decision, however, appear in concurrences written by the ultraconservative members of the Court, which confine the reach of equal protection to formal legal classifications alone.

Reform ohne Wirkung

Im vergangenen Monat hat die Kommission einen Reformvorschlag zur DSGVO vorgelegt. Konkret soll Art. 30 DSGVO angepasst werden, der Datenverarbeiter verpflichtet ein sog. „Verarbeitungsverzeichnis“ zu führen. Bisher galt für Unternehmen mit weniger als 250 Beschäftigten eine Ausnahme. Künftig soll diese Grenze auf 750 Mitarbeiter angehobenen werden. Doch der Vorschlag polarisiert.

The Erosion of Equal Protection

In United States v. Skrmetti, the U.S. Supreme Court voted 6-3 along ideological lines to uphold a Tennessee law banning gender-affirming care for minors, reaching that conclusion by construing equal protection jurisprudence in regressive ways. The majority reasoned that the law not only did not discriminate on the basis of sex, but did not discriminate on the basis of transgender status either. This post explains how the Skrmetti decision threatens to narrow the scope of constitutional equality protections in the United States, why it is dangerous for the equality claims of women and lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, and why it is likely to be so damaging for transgender people targeted by state and federal lawmakers in recent years.

Kinderrechte und die GEAS-Reform

Teilweise bringt die GEAS-Reform Verbesserungen für die Rechtsstellung von Kindern mit sich. Andere Bereiche – wie etwa die Regelungen zum neuen Screening-Verfahren oder Möglichkeiten der (de facto) Inhaftierung von Kindern – werfen aus kinderrechtlicher Perspektive allerdings Bedenken auf. Vor diesem Hintergrund beleuchtet dieser Beitrag, wie das Kindeswohl bei der nationalen Umsetzung der GEAS-Reform angemessen berücksichtigt werden kann.

Forced Sterilizations on Trial

On May 22, 2025, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights held a hearing in Ramos Durand et al. v. Peru. This is only the second forced sterilization case before the Court (after I.V. v. Bolivia) and the first addressing a widespread, state-led policy of coercion like Peru’s. For the first time, the IACHR may explicitly characterize forced sterilizations as reproductive violence and thus as a form of gender-based violence, contributing to a broader and more inclusive understanding of reproductive rights violations within the regional human rights framework.

Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit

Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit (née Swarupa Kumari Nehru) was a famous diplomat, politician and Indian freedom fighter during the 20th century. Her role in international politics and relations as well as the development of the model and formation of the United Nations is oftentimes shadowed by her connection to her brother Jawharlal Nehru, the first president of independent post-colonial India, and Mahatma Ghandi, who she fought alongside with for an Indian state free from British imperial rule.

A Door Opened, But Not Fully

On 12 June 2025, the European Court of Human Rights issued a judgment in T.H. v. the Czech Republic – the first case brought by a non-binary person. The Court found a violation of Article 8 of the Convention for requiring sterilisation as a precondition for legal gender recognition. Yet, the misgendering of the applicant, the Court’s silence on Articles 3 and 14, and the absence of compensation all temper the applicant’s win.