Dieser Blogbeitrag ist nicht von der Pressefreiheit geschützt

Digitale Angebote haben längst den Medienmarkt erobert. Wenn man dem Verwaltungsgericht Berlin folgt, bewegen sich Online-Medien jedoch möglicherweise im grundrechtlichen Niemandsland, zumindest was die Medienfreiheiten und die sich daraus ergebenden Auskunftsansprüche gegenüber Behörden betrifft. Denn die Pressefreiheit setze die „Publikation eines Druckerzeugnisses“ voraus und die Frage, ob journalistisch-redaktionell gestaltete Telemedien von der Rundfunkfreiheit geschützt sind, könne im Eilverfahren nicht geklärt werden. Wenn die Entscheidung Bestand hat, hätte sie weitreichende Konsequenzen für den Journalismus in einer sich wandelnden Medienlandschaft.

Überwachen, Blocken, Delisten

Die Verordnung (EU) 2022/350 des Rates vom 1. März 2022, mit der Sanktionen betreffend Russia Today (RT) und Sputnik verhängt wurden, geht – anders als ersten Reaktionen zufolge – über ein Sendeverbot für diese Kanäle weit hinaus: Internetzugangsanbieter werden zu Websitesperren verpflichtet, und Social Media-Plattformen wird, abweichend von Art. 15 E-Commerce-Richtlinie, eine allgemeine Überwachungspflicht auferlegt

Anti-terrorism regulation and the media in Uganda

Freedom of the media just like freedom of expression are provided for in the 1995 Constitution of Uganda, but spaces for exercising these rights are growing narrower by the day. The use of anti-terrorism regulation to suppress dissenting views reflects growing intolerance of criticism of President Yoweri Museveni’s regime. Foremost, legal and physical harassment from the authorities threaten privately funded media institutions and deter journalists from covering and interrogating certain issues.

Journalism on trial and the right to be forgotten

New rulings in Hurbain and Biancardi now permit complainants to address their "right to be forgotten" requests directly to the primary publisher. Journalists and the press, particularly the local press, play a fundamental role in democratic society, but they are already in a precarious situation, and the use of privacy to debilitate them also has a negative impact on local democracy. Hurbain has now been scheduled for a hearing before the Grand Chamber on 9 March 2022. It will have the opportunity to consider whether interference with the press was actually necessary in that case and, by implication, in Biancardi, and to restore the balance between privacy and freedom of expression under the right to be forgotten.

The EU’s “Ban” of RT and Sputnik

Denouncing Russian authorities‘ “muzzling“ of independent media and reiterating its support for media freedom and pluralism, the European Union banned two Russian media outlets in March 2022. This apparent contradiction between a statement of principle and concrete action can be resolved. While the ban can be legally justified as a measure designed to suppress “propaganda for war”, European institutions should not try to justify it by pointing to these outlets’ track record of “disinformation” or simply “propaganda”. To address legitimate questions of double standards that will come up in the wake of the inevitable whataboutism, it should be stressed that the Union’s measures differ decisively from any authoritarian censorship by virtue of the Union’s character as a community of law.

A Court of Last Resort

In a survey released by Reporters without Borders in 2021, India’s position in the Press Freedom Index significantly dropped to 142nd place out of 180 countries. This blog post examines freedom of press in India from a constitutional law perspective and discusses two recent judgments of the Supreme Court of India on India’s sedition law. I argue that while the Supreme Court has protected press freedoms in different ways through interpretation of the Constitution and judicial review, sedition law continues to be (mis)used to intimidate journalists.

The legacy of the War on Terror in the Philippines

Twenty years after 9/11, the definitive problems of democracy globally relate to disinformation and illiberal intolerance. The Philippines, an illustration of post-truth politics that has engulfed the world, is wracked by tensions in society, resulting in attacks on journalists reporting on disfavoured issues and events. The global War on Terror considerably contributed to a turn towards authoritarianism in the Philippines, vis-à-vis the limits of public discourse, and that law reform offers a very limited kind of remedy.

A Blatant Attack on Free Media

In a recent and shocking judgment of the first instance, a criminal court in Warsaw has found the Polish journalist Ewa Siedlecka guilty of criminal libel (defamation) for commenting on the organized campaign  of hatred against independent Polish judges. This account deeply resonates with my own personal experience. Toutes proportions gardeés, I should add, since Ms Siedlecka has done immeasurably more for the rule of law in Poland than I did, and has run much higher risks – and incurred higher personal costs.

Babiš’s Media

Just before the parliamentary elections on October 8 - 9 2021, the Czech populist Prime Minister Andrej Babiš banned a group of journalists from Czech and foreign media outlets from attending his press conference with Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán. It is telling of Babiš’s disregard for the rules of the democratic game. The erosion of freedom of press in Czechia continues, but the parliamentary election results might change the state of play.

The Lex TVN and the End of Free Media in Poland

Law & Justice, the ruling party in Poland, plans to reform the media by introducing restrictions on ownership of TV and radio broadcast companies. Entities from outside the European Economic Area (“EEA”) may not, under the proposed law, control more than 49% of shares in such companies. This pertains both to holding shares directly and indirectly, via companies established in the EEA. If the law will ultimately enter into force is still uncertain. If it does, though, it will deliver a serious blow to, already weakened, free media in Poland.