›Zombie Urbanism‹ and the Search for New Sources of Solidarity
How can ‘staged urbanism’ provide spaces of urban citizenship? Under what conditions can urban citizenship “contribute to overall democratic integration within and beyond nation-states”?
Thema: Migration & Staatsangehörigkeit
Verfassungsrecht zur Staatsangehörigkeit und Migration im verfassungsrechtlichen Rahmen, verfassungsrechtliche Aspekte des Einwanderungsrechts, staatsbürgerliche Rechte und Pflichten sowie verfassungsrechtliche Regulierung der Migrationspolitik. Umfasst verfassungsrechtliche Staatsangehörigkeitskonzepte und verfassungsrechtliche Grenzen der Migrationsregulierung.
Urban Citizenship: A Path to Migrant Inclusion
Earlier commentaries in this online symposium highlighted various aspects of urban citizenship, such as the exclusion of non-urban populations (Lenard) or the conundrum of multilevel frames of legal authority (van Zeben). Harald Bauder suggests that urban citizenship can be an important mechanism to create inclusive communities.
Urban Citizenship is About Improving the City – not Just About Letting Foreigners Vote
In a way, the question of urban citizenship is easy. If a state were to give non-citizens citizenship rights with respect to local elections or urban affairs more generally, it would be fully within its powers to do so. As Rainer Bauböck and others have argued, there are many good reasons why a state might want to do so – and just as many reasons to protect the state’s authority to uphold the system of rights as a whole. That said, many issues remain. There is no consensus, and perhaps there never can be on the key terms at issue: state, nation, urban, and citizenship.
What’s the Added Value of Legalising City-zenship?
Josephine van Zeben's response to Bauböck’s reflections on urban citizenship considers some legal implications of the postnational view that Bauböck finds most promising. Specifically, it questions how suited citizenship is – as a legal instrument – for accommodating the concerns raised in Bauböck’s contribution.
Urban Citizenship Threatens Democratic Equality
It seems urgent that “urban citizenship” is properly characterised to understand not only the rights and responsibilities citizens of cities may well have, but also their grounding. I have no quarrel with this project. However, so far, accounts of urban citizenship – like Rainer Bauböck’s in the piece that launched this forum – do too little to consider the citizenship that is “left over” for those who do not, or cannot, move to cities.
City-zenship and national citizenship: complementary and competing but not emancipated from each other
Nir Barak deepens the ambivalence in Rainer Bauböck’s account of urban citizenship and suggests a skeptical but friendly critique towards notions of emancipating urban citizenship from nationality. The relationship between urban and national citizenship should not be seen as mutually exclusive; claims for enhancing city-zenship and decentralizing state power are warranted only insofar as they provide forward-thinking urban response to the decline in democratic participation and civic solidarity at national levels.
Thinking Like a City, Thinking Like a State
The city is not only a "densely populated area of continuous settlement, which is organized as a single jurisdiction" (an often used formal definition of a city); the city is also a state of mind, a certain political and social consciousness.
Cities vs States: Should Urban Citizenship be Emancipated from Nationality?
Since the first decade of the millennium – for the first time in human history – more people are living in urban areas than in rural ones. According to UN projections, in 2050 the share of urban populations could rise to more than two thirds of the world population. Will this demographic change also lead to a decline of nation-states and a rise of cities as the dominant arenas of politics, democracy and citizenship?
Exekutiver Freestyle im Mittelmeer
„Wir brauchen den Schutz der Verfassung, weil damit Menschenrechte, Freiheit und Demokratie gesichert werden“, heißt es auf der Webseite des Bundesamtes für Verfassungsschutz. Die Praxis der pre-screenings von Schutzsuchenden auf Malta und in Italien wird diesem Anspruch kaum gerecht. Kompetenzrechtlich steht sie auf wackligen Füßen. Es entsteht der Eindruck, dass es sich hier um einen exekutiven Freestyle handelt, um in Abwesenheit einer europäischen Regelung migrationspolitische Zielsetzungen zu fördern. Ob sie rechtsstaatlichen Ansprüchen genügt, kann man ernsthaft bezweifeln.
The Great Repression
In which I welcome Jens Söring, the ,Söring v. United Kingdom' Söring, home after 33 years of imprisonment.
