How the EU Commission Backs up Pushbacks at the EU-Belarussian Border

In December 2024, the European Commission issued a communication to the European Parliament and the Council discussing the current situation of so-called ‘hybrid threats’ at the EU-Belarussian border. With the goal of stopping irregular arrivals of migrants and its facilitation by Belarus and Russia, the EU Commission outlines how EU primary law, namely Art. 72 TFEU, could be utilized by Member States to circumvent the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and curtail the protection afforded by fundamental rights for migrants. By advising member states to make use of this legal pathway for the current situation at the EU-Belarussian border, the EU Commission indirectly justifies the current pushback practices from Poland, Lithuania and Latvia.

EU Citizens‹ Right to Join Political Parties

The Maastricht Treaty formally created the concept of citizenship of the European Union, based upon holding the nationality of a Member State. Now provided for in Article 20 TFEU, EU citizenship includes the right for EU citizens to vote in municipal and European Parliament elections in a Member State other than that of their nationality on the same basis as nationals. Two recent judgments by the Court of Justice enhance the role of EU citizenship as regards political rights, but its recognition of the importance of national identity in this area means that Member States can still place some limits on non-nationals’ role in politics.

Abschiebungen nach Syrien?

Vor neun Jahren wandte sich Angela Merkel zum Höhepunkt der damaligen Krise an Syrer: „Wir erwarten, dass, wenn wieder Frieden in Syrien ist, ... ihr ... in eure Heimat zurückgeht“. Diese Zukunftsvision könnte nunmehr Wirklichkeit werden, auch wenn niemand seriös prognostizieren kann, wie sich die Lage in Syrien entwickeln wird. Identifizieren lassen sich jedoch die rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen, von denen es so viele gibt, dass schnelle und zwangsweise Rückführungen nach Syrien im großen Stil sich als Illusion erweisen dürften. Ein Bewusstsein für die rechtlichen Hürden hilft dabei, realistische Handlungsoptionen auszuloten.

Mit Wahrheit oder mit Mehrheit?

Die Migrationspolitik scheint nur noch eine Richtung zu kennen: immer mehr Verschärfungen. Weil sie aber von gleich mehreren Rechtsebenen durchzogen wird, scheint es, als würde die politische Debatte darum zu einem reinen Rechtsgespräch mutieren. Dabei entsteht die Illusion, dass man Rufe nach weiteren Verschärfungen mit Verweisen auf höherrangiges Recht aus der Welt schaffen könnte. Doch die argumentative Beanspruchung von Rechtsnormen kann riskante, zuweilen gegenteilige Effekte bewirken. Betrachtet man ihre Rolle in der Migrationsdebatte dabei genauer, ergeben sich wichtige Erkenntnisse, wie sich die gegenwärtige (Migrations-)Rechtsordnung argumentativ wirksamer verteidigen ließe.

Getting a Grip on Migration but Mind European Law!

On September 13, the new Dutch government led by Dick Schoof outlined its programme for the next years. Unsurprisingly, a major point of this programme regards asylum and migration, for which the greatest ambition is to install the strictest regime ever and to include the Netherlands within the category of Member States of the European Union with the strictest admission rules. This post reviews these proposals through the lens of European Law to challenge their legal feasibility and flag the potential incompatibility with Dutch obligations stemming from EU and international law.

Why Offshore Processing of Asylum Applications is Actually Racist

With the Rwanda scheme, the UK government unleashes a regime of offshore asylum processing which is being considered by countries around the world. Such schemes though may be considered racist for their obvious neocolonial implications of removing and returning asylum seekers and refugees from the global north to the global south. More importantly though, such schemes undermine the commitment to abide by international human rights law and the obligations which attach to states in a particular rather than vicarious sense.

The Strictest Asylum Policy Ever?

On 13 September 2024, ahead of the presentation of the State Budget, the new Dutch coalition presented their finalized plan to implement what it has labelled as the strictest admission regime ever in the field of asylum law. To implement its Outline Agreement, titled ‘Hope, Courage and Pride,’ the government plans to rely on an derogation provision in the Dutch Aliens Act 2000. We argue that the provision does not apply to the current situation and that the Dutch government therefore does not have the jurisdiction to render parts of the Dutch Aliens Act 2000 inoperative.

Taking Back Control?

This week, the Polish government unveiled its new migration strategy which lays out a proposal that, “in the event of a threat to destabilize the country by an influx of immigrants, it should be possible to temporarily and territorially suspend the right to accept asylum applications.” This blog argues that the proposal is not only unlawful but also poses a threat to the common European asylum system. This is so especially in light of the upcoming implementation of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, a set of new rules managing migration and establishing a common asylum system at EU level.

Unleashing Horizontal State Liability

The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is under attack. In a recent Judgment against Hungary, the European Court of Justice has unambiguously stated that non-compliance with the rules of the CEAS undermines solidarity between Member States and strikes at the very heart of EU law. Traditional means of enforcement, however, seem insufficient to foster compliance with these rules. Against this backdrop, this blogpost argues for the unexplored avenue for enforcing the CEAS via horizontal state liability.