Corona Constitutional #6: Der englische Patient

Boris Johnson liegt mit Corona in der Intensivstation. Was passiert, wenn der Premierminister stirbt oder sein Amt nicht mehr ausüben kann? Wie regelt man das ohne geschriebene Verfassung? GAVIN PHILLIPSON ist einer der besten Kenner des britischen Verfassungsrechts. Im Interview mit Max Steinbeis gibt er Auskunft über die Rechte und Möglichkeiten des Parlaments, über die ungeheure Machtfülle der Regierung und über die Zukunft der Grund- und Menschenrechte im Vereinigten Königreich.

Solidarity and Constitutional Constraints in Times of Crisis

While important, European solidarity cannot take place at the expense of safeguarding citizens’ economic and social rights under the Constitution of Finland. For this reason, the Finnish Government needs to remain alert to the risks involved in the increasing financial commitments given by Finland. Depending on their exact features, the constitutional problems relating to “corona bonds” might only be overcome by a risky and time consuming constitutional amendment procedure. This is the result of two days of deliberations by the Constitutional Law Committee of the Finnish Parliament relating to the euro group agenda dedicated to the COVID19 crisis.

Versammlungsfreiheit Corona-konform

Die meisten zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Epidemie ergangenen Rechtsakte der Länder laufen – jedenfalls in der Auslegung zahlreicher Behörden und häufig gerichtlich bestätigt – auf ein generelles Versammlungsverbot hinaus. Diese sich abzeichnende Behörden- und Gerichtspraxis verkennt den Gewährleistungsgehalt des Art. 8 GG grundlegend und verkehrt ihn teilweise sogar in sein Gegenteil, was Anlass zur Sorge bietet. Dabei gibt es zahlreiche Möglichkeiten, die Versammlungsfreiheit Corona-konform zu gewährleisten.

A Prime Minister in Hospital: the Constitutional Implications

Following the news that the British Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, has been taken to hospital for treatment for COVID-19, there has been much discussion about what should happen if he should die or become incapacitated. Who would take over and how would such a successor be chosen? What is the role of Dominic Raab, the Foreign Secretary, who has been designated to deputise for him in his absence? And how do we find the answers to the above questions, given the UK has no codified Constitution to consult?

Authoritarianism Without Emergency Powers: Brazil Under COVID-19

One of the few heads of state that insist on denying scientific and epidemiologic facts concerning the spread of COVID-19 is the Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. For Bolsonaro, politics comes before truth. Since the beginning of the pandemic of COVID-19, he is disseminating doubts on social media (although Twitter, Facebook and Instagram deleted some of his posts) to galvanize his radical supporters while creating a distraction for his government’s inability to implement social and economic aids to the low-income families affected by social distancing. For the moment, the president has failed to gather the public support that he needs for an extension of the emergency powers of the executive, like Orbán did in Hungary. But his authoritarian discourse has not disappeared from the horizon. On 31st March 2020, for instance, Bolsonaro celebrated the anniversary of the Coup of 1964 as a “great day for freedom”.

Italy’s Coronavirus Legislative Response: Adjusting Along the Way

With one of the highest death rate by population worldwide, Italy has undertaken a series of necessary but very intrusive measures resulting in strong limitations of fundamental rights and liberties. The Rule of Law (ROL) is considered to be “the basis of all genuine democracy” (Statute of the Council of Europe); and in times of emergency, respect for the ROL and adherence to its principles should still prevail. So, what safeguards have been put in place to ensure that the Italian legislative response to COVID-19 provides effective protection of public safety and complies with core Constitutional principles, international law obligations and the ROL?

Corona Constitutional #5: Schrumpfparlamente

Muss in Zeiten der Pandemie der Deutsche Bundestag auf ein Notparlament zusammenschrumpfen können? Bundestagspräsident Schäuble fordert das. Dabei gibt es bessere und weniger demokratieschädlichere Möglichkeiten, etwa die der Zuschaltmöglichkeit für Abgeordnete in Quarantäne zur Plenardebatte, die das Problem genauso lösen. Darüber diskutiert Max Steinbeis mit ANNA VON NOTZ in der heutigen Folge unseres Krisen-Podcasts.

Corona-Bonds: zu kurz gesprungen und dann auch noch in die falsche Richtung

In diversen Aufrufen werden gemeinsame Anleihen für die Länder der Europäischen Union gefordert, um die Folgen der Corona-Krise gemeinsam zu tragen. Mal werden sie Corona-Bonds (auch hier auf dem Verfassungsblog) genannt, mal Health-Bonds oder Renaissance Bonds. Und dabei wird nicht mit Pathos gespart: „Es gilt gerade jetzt, Wege zu finden, mit denen wir verdeutlichen können, dass wir zusammengehören, dass wir vom gleichen ‚Zauber gebunden sind‘, wie es in unserer Hymne heißt.“ Trotz aller Sympathie für die Motive der UnterstützerInnen, darunter so prominente Namen wie Jürgen Habermas, darf man aber kritisch hinterfragen, ob das wirklich ein geeignetes Instrument ist?

Lockdown Bubbles through Layers of Law, Discretion and Nudges – New Zealand

New Zealand’s governmental response to Covid-19 has been, so far, dramatic and legally curious. As a South Pacific island nation, Covid-19 was late to infiltrate New Zealand, allowing the government time to shape its response in the light of experiences elsewhere. At the first sign of community transmission, the government moved to lockdown the country – shutting the border, keeping people in their household ‘bubbles’ and closing businesses other than those deemed essential. To effect the lockdown, the government relied on some ordinary legal powers and a handful of reserve emergency powers, supplemented by strong messaging from a charismatic prime minister. While providing a stopgap solution for the sudden move, the current legal framework is bit soft and fragile in places. It seems likely the government will move to sharpen and fortify the legal basis for the lockdown and put in place a more bespoke and enduring solution.