Krisenresiliente Verteilungsgerechtigkeit

Die ExpertInnen-Kommission Gas und Wärme hat auf Wunsch der Bundesregierung am 10. Oktober ihre Vorschläge für die zentralen Elemente einer deutschen Gaspreisbreme vorgelegt. Der Vorschlag der Kommission und die Debatten darüber zeigen damit einmal mehr, dass die Energiekrise Fragen der Verteilungsgerechtigkeit aufwirft, für die der Staat in seiner Funktion als Sozialstaat Antworten zu formulieren hat. Dies gelingt ihm derzeit nur bedingt, da die krisentypische Notwendigkeit eines schnellen Handelns die dringend gebotenen Debatten zu Lasten der Verteilungsgerechtigkeit verkürzt oder verhindert.

Neurechte Verfassungskatholiken

Viel wird über das Verhältnis der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) zur grundgesetzlichen Ordnung geschrieben und gestritten. Es geht dabei um nicht weniger als die Frage, ob die AfD zumindest potenziell und zumindest teilweise verfassungsfeindlich sei. Die Partei selbst inszeniert sich dagegen mittlerweile offensiv, wie Maximilian Steinbeis kürzlich in seinem Editorial schrieb, „als die glühendsten Grundgesetz-Fans […], die die Republik je gesehen hat.“ Sie hat dafür sogar eine eigene „Initiative“ mit dem Titel „Gemeinsam für das Grundgesetz“ gestartet.

Consensus and the Crown

The late Queen was loved by many of those who felt no allegiance to her, and respected by many who did not love her. By contrast, prior to his accession, the new King had struggled to be respected, let alone loved. Will his Canadian subjects maintain their allegiance to him? The question, however inevitable, is largely idle in light of the political difficulties that any attempt to secure constitutional change in Canada has encountered for 30 years. The monarchy will remain, by default if not by desire, just as King Charles III rather than his more popular son succeeded regardless of his subjects’ feelings on the matter.

Giving Offence is no Offence

The death of Queen Elizabeth II last week, and thus the accession to the throne of King Charles III is an opportunity for reflection. However, what some have found here in the UK is that expressing republican sentiment in public has been met with a policing intervention – arrest or warning. This post considers the legality of expressing such views, and thus of the police response too, as well as some wider issues about the policing of protest, dissent and free speech.

What Makes Responsible Government Responsible?

How important is it for a Parliament to know which Ministers are appointed to administer which departments? This odd question has been at the centre of a furore in Australia in recent weeks. It has focussed attention on the legal and political requirements for ‘responsible government’, to use the characterisation of the relationship between Crown, Ministers and Parliament that is in common use in parliamentary systems in the British tradition, including those in Australia. It raises some intriguing questions for the construction of the executive chapter of the Australian Constitution, which are all the more important in times of global concern about democratic decline.

Long-term Constitutional Law for Global Public Goods

The rules-based order necessary for realizing the sustainable development goals (SDGs) requires antagonistic, perennial struggles for justice challenging abuses of power and struggling for collective protection of the SDGs. Without such a ‘Sisyphus morality’ and stronger leadership from constitutional democracies for improving multilevel governance of global public goods, realization of the SDGs and protecting ‘human rights of all’ risk remaining a utopia.

Beyond Constitutional Doctrine?

In a recent post on Verfassungsblog, Michał Stambulski and Karol Muszyński make a number of wide-ranging statements and stinging criticisms of what they believe to be the shortcomings of “doctrinal constitutionalism”, “legal constitutionalism” and “doctrinal legal constitutionalism.” What the authors fail to do at any point, however, is define what they mean by these terms. Furthermore, their attack on doctrinal constitutionalism - which includes ad hominem attacks while ironically calling for a more serious engagement and less ‘emotional’ or ‘easy moral evaluation’ - fails to offer any alternative solutions to a rule of law crisis that the authors themselves readily acknowledge to be a problem. Aside from a plea to pay closer attention to economic, social and political context, it is by no means clear what they would put in place of the doctrinal/legal constitutionalism that they appear to be so passionately opposed to.

Constitutionalizing the Court of Arbitration for Sport

Claudia Pechstein is an exceptional athlete. On ice, she seems immortal, skating through her 8th Winter Olympics in February 2022 in Beijing. In the court room, she has shown the same determination and refused to back down from a bitter and expensive legal struggle. The most recent decision in Claudia Pechstein's legal odyssey, a decision by Germany's Federal Constitutional Court, is interesting beyond the German context because it concerns one of the most active and at the same time under-researched global courts: The Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS).

Hungary, Poland and the »Community of Fate«

In February 2022, the ECJ delivered a ruling in cases brought by Hungary and Poland against the European Parliament and Council. Not only did the ruling uphold the regime of conditionality for the protection of the EU budget; it also entered into the domain of European constitutional identity. Instead of undermining the European commitment to the rule of law, Poland and Hungary may have inadvertently consolidated the place of rule of law in the heart of EU identity.

Wir haben die Duldung der Demokratie mit ihrer Akzeptanz verwechselt

Die Vermutung, dass Demokratien ein gewisses Potential an Selbstzerstörung besitzen, ist nicht neu. Feinde der Demokratie können ausgerechnet die Demokratie und ihre Institutionen selbst nutzen, um den Weg in die Autokratie zu ebnen – Schritt für Schritt, subtil und sogar legal. Entscheidend ist dabei, dass wie lange die Duldung der Demokratie mit ihrer Akzeptanz verwechselt haben.