Beyond Legal Restoration

A recently published proposal by former Constitutional Court judge Béla Pokol suggests introducing a new emergency regime designed to defend Hungary’s illiberal system against potential re-democratization efforts by a future government. Together with international criticism of Poland’s judicial reform in its process of democratic renewal, this provokes a profound reckoning: traditional legal formalism may no longer serve the needs of constitutional recovery. It is time for a post-formalist approach to democratic reconstruction.

What Are Human Rights For?

The Danish-Italian public letter to the European Court of Human Rights from 22 May 2025 must be understood in the context of two decades of “crises” in the European human rights regime. None of it is new or unprecedented. What makes it truly troubling, however, is the changed geopolitical context and the focus on migrants and asylum seekers as the most vulnerable.

From Syrian Revolution to Constitutional Ambiguity

The remarkable yet tragic victory of the Syrian revolution reached its turning point on December 7, 2024. Unlike the coups of the 1950s and 60s, whose leaders immediately sought legal legitimacy, the current de facto ruler, Ahmad al-Sharaa, has declared a five-year transitional period under a temporary Constitutional Declaration. While it formally guarantees equality, the Declaration omits fundamental democratic safeguards and fails to ensure the separation of powers - entrenching a system of self-referential authority and executive dominance that mirrors the authoritarian dynamics of the past.

Academic Vertigo

What is therefore needed is a much thicker description of the current phase of semantic destabilization. This implies to build a new questionnaire able to grasp the dynamics of contemporary legal controversies allowing to bring historical depth and socio-legal […] While there is certainly a large variety of methodologies able to address this questionnaire, […] I contend however that a socio-genetic approach is better equipped when it comes to unpack the notion of “context” and reconstitute the complex “hermeneutic space” of legal concepts that continuously move back and forth from the legal and the political fields.

Governing in the Shadow of Indictments

Israel has been experiencing fierce conflicts between the Prime Minister and the government on the one hand and prominent public officials on the other. Two such conflicts have occupied the public discourse in recent weeks: the conflict between the government and both the Attorney General (Gali Barahav-Miara) and the head of the internal security service (Ronen Bar). In both cases, the government's attempt to remove these officials from office has run into legal difficulties, grounded in accusations concerning conflict of interest, which stem from two opposing principles within administrative law.

Gaming Procedure, Gutting Due Process

The Trump administration has admitted that sending Abrego Garcia to a supermax prison in El Salvador known for human rights abuses was an “administrative error” but contends before the U.S. Supreme Court that there is nothing a federal court can do about that. As I shall explain, the Solicitor General’s argument ultimately rests on the claim that the president who frequently boasts about his abilities as a deal maker is a lousy negotiator.

Dictatorship of the Court vs. Will of the People?

On March 31st, French politician Marine Le Pen was convicted for embe-zzlement of public funds – and sentenced to ineligibility to run for office for five years, effective immediately. Since then, the RN incessantly gathered outrage, calling out the “tyranny of judges” and claiming that the verdict end-angers democracy. After a week, it’s time to take a closer look at “the scandal”. Spoiler alert: There is no “political death” that might be the fault of a court – if at all, it was a (easily avoidable) suicide.

Assisted Suicide the Italian Way

More than 5 years ago, the Italian Constitutional Court ruled that assisted suicide must be permitted under specific conditions. Yet, Parliament’s inability to legislate has left this right in legal limbo. Now, recent regional actions could break the deadlock. The Italian region of Tuscany is setting an example for other sub-national legislatures to pass laws on the matter. This blog post argues that constitutional courts, and the ItCC in particular, should not stifle this kind of activism – especially when it steps in to uphold judicial mandates that the national legislature refuses to enforce.

The Executive’s Responsibility for the Constitution

Who is responsible for safeguarding the constitution? Traditionally, constitutional lawyers have focused on the courts. But the alarming actions of Trump 2.0 and democratic backsliding across the world suggests we should think far more about the role of the executive. The UK House of Lords Constitution Committee (“the Committee”) has recently published a report on Executive oversight and responsibility for the UK constitution, which emphasizes institutions, in particular the civil service, as a solution the threats to constitutional governance posed but the executive. But this may be wishful thinking.

Sturm auf den Verwaltungsstaat

Die erste Amtszeit Donald Trumps endete mit dem Sturm auf das Kapitol, die zweite Amtszeit begann mit dem Sturm auf den Administrative State. Ist nur ersteres oder beides ein Angriff auf die demokratische Ordnung? Wie Verwaltungsstaat und Demokratie aufeinander bezogen sind, ist eine für akademische Zwecke kaum zu beantwortende Frage. Sie bezieht unklare Begrifflichkeiten in einer unklaren Weise aufeinander. Gerade wegen dieser Unschärfe sind die Fragen nach der Demokratietauglichkeit des Verwaltungsapparats für politische Zwecke aber auch reizvoll. Denn sie lassen sich einfach instrumentalisieren.