The Sovereign Protection Office as the Tip of the Iceberg

In December 2023, the Hungarian Parliament passed a law establishing a Sovereign Protection Office—a state administration which now possesses unfettered access to personal data to find and sanction supposed foreign agents among the Hungarian populace. This office operates at will and without oversight, offers no avenue for legal redress, and wields prison time upwards of three years. In recent weeks, the European Commission launched an infringement proceeding over the law, and the European Parliament called on the European Council to consider Article 7(2) procedures.

Umweltverfassung in Aktion

Dass der Klimabeschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts Auswirkungen auf das Recht weit über seine konkrete Regelungswirkung hinaus hat, zeigt sich u.a. im aktuellen Doppelurteil des OVG Berlin-Brandenburg zur Verpflichtung der Bundesregierung, Sofortprogramme für die Sektoren Gebäude und Verkehr nach § 8 Klimaschutzgesetz (KSG) vorzulegen. Das OVG hat sich darin mit einer Reihe von umweltrechtlichen Problemstellungen in Zulässigkeit und Begründetheit befasst.

Autocratic (Il)legalism

It is a common myth that since the Fidesz-KDNP coalition has almost always had a two-thirds parliamentary majority since 2010, the Orbán-government could pass its illiberal legislative reforms in a legally correct manner. In reality, however, many laws that constitute the pillars of Orbán’s illiberal regime were enacted in violation of the procedural requirements of the rule of law. The European Commission’s country visit to Hungary provides an opportunity to remind the EU bodies of their responsibility to enforce all requirements of the rule of law without compromise.

Protect the German Federal Constitutional Court!

For a long time, we felt in Germany as though we were in a world of bliss. While the independence of the judiciary was being attacked in Poland, the USA and most recently in Israel, we were blessed with a strong constitutional court. Over the decades, it has proven to be independent and impartial; it has earned immense trust and respect among the public. However, the independence of the Federal Constitutional Court is built on sand. Now, a public debate has flared up as to whether and how the independence of the Constitutional Court should be protected. A look into other legal systems can contribute to this debate.

Schützt das Bundesverfassungsgericht!

Lange fühlten wir uns in Deutschland wie auf einer Insel der Seligen. Während in Polen, den USA und zuletzt in Israel die Unabhängigkeit der Justiz unter Beschuss ist, sind wir gesegnet mit einem starken Verfassungsgericht. Es hat sich über die Jahrzehnte als ausgewogen und unabhängig erwiesen; in der Bevölkerung hat es sich ein immenses Vertrauen erarbeitet. Doch die Unabhängigkeit des Bundesverfassungsgerichts steht auf tönernen Füßen. Nun ist auch in der Öffentlichkeit die Debatte entbrannt, ob und wie man die Unabhängigkeit des Bundesverfassungsgerichts schützen sollte. Der Blick in andere Rechtsordnungen kann zu dieser Diskussion viel beitragen.

The Limits of Public Participation

In this piece, I critique the proposed people-driven constitution-making process in South Sudan, identifying some challenges that may hinder meaningful participation by the people. One is mass illiteracy: over 70% of the population is illiterate. This can impact the people’s capacity to meaningfully engage with some of the complex issues that may arise from the process. Another factor is that involving the people could exacerbate existing ethnic tensions in the country, as constitution-making is inherently divisive. My suggestion is to entrust the process to experts with oversight by parliament.

Testing the Limits of Deliberative Constitutionalism

On 14th December 2023, a parliamentary committee in Ireland issued a report recommending a referendum on inserting environmental rights, including rights of nature, into the Irish Constitution. The origin of those recommendations was the prior Citizens’ Assembly on Biodiversity Loss, which was formally linked to the committee. These events are another important chapter in the unfolding story of deliberative constitutionalism, with Ireland often cited as a leading example. The fate of the constitutional reforms proposed by the Assembly and the committee on environmental rights will provide important insights into: 1) when deliberative recommendations can gain the necessary political support for implementation; 2) whether institutional design can improve the likelihood of political support for citizen-led constitutional reform.

Constitutional Identity vs. Human Rights

In two recent Latvian cases concerning the Russian-speaking minority decided respectively in September and November 2023, the ECtHR made clear that protection of constitutional identity has now been elevated to a legitimate aim for a differential treatment under the Convention. This post explores how the protection of constitutional identity has been deployed to enable a collective punishment by association with a former occupier, and how the ECtHR’s reasoning has effectively endorsed such a punishment, which is unbefitting of a liberal democratic system the ECHR aspires to represent. Until the three cases were decided, no liberal European democracy could argue without losing face that suppressing a large proportion of its population was its constitutional identity – one of the goals of its statehood. Today, this claim is seemingly kosher, marking a U-turn in the understanding of what the European human rights protection system is for minorities in Europe.

Abgehakt

Das Bundesverfassungsgericht hat das im Herbst 2020 von der Großen Koalition modifizierte Wahlrecht durchgewunken (Az. 2 BvF 1/21). Die jüngste Wahlrechts-Entscheidung fällt inhaltlich genauso enttäuschend aus wie die Gesetzesänderung, über die das Gericht zu befinden hatte. Das war aus mehreren Gründen erwartbar. Dennoch lässt die Begründung viele Fragen offen.

Third Time’s A Charm?

The second process to draft a new constitutional text in Chile ended on November 7. A referendum to be held on December 17 will decide upon the fate of the constitutional proposal that resulted from it. Polls indicate that the proposal will be rejected, even if the option in favor of the proposal has been gaining support lately. Irrespective of the outcome of the referendum, it might be fair to say that this second version of the constituent process has already failed. In particular, I argue that just like the first draft, the second proposal seeks to constitutionally entrench the goals of the political factions that held the majority within the drafting organ, instead of providing a constitutional framework that would allow for broad self-governance based on the democratic principle.