The constitutional framework of power distribution within the Eurasian integration process: bellum omnium contra omnes

After the fall of the Soviet Union, many post-Soviet countries pursued integration among themselves, leading to various regional arrangements. Those had little success for an array of reasons stemming from considerable differences among the many integrating states. Eventually, an understanding came along, that in order to make things work, a change in approach is needed. Among others, such a change would require an efficient legal framework and stronger regional institutions capable of upholding it. These features were played with on the way to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which was obviously inspired by certain narratives about the EU integration process, and eventually launched in 2015.

Scotland Can Veto Brexit (sort of …).

Scotland's First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that she would veto any attempt by a future British government to effect the withdrawal of the UK from the EU following the referendum result. This has raised a flurry of questioning of whether this is actually constitutionally permissible. In this blogpost I will argue why I think it is; that is that the Scottish Parliament does, constitutionally, have the power to use the constitution to attempt to veto an attempt by a British government to take the United Kingdom out of the European Union.

A Disunited Kingdom: two Nations in, two Nations out

The United Kingdom is not a centralised state. It is a ‘family of nations’. There is a strong case for arguing that the referendum carries only if a majority of voters in all four nations respectively give their backing. England and Wales voted to leave, but Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. Recognising that split is not a matter of shifting the goalposts after the fact. It is about respecting an established, indeed a compelling constitutional order.

A European Future for Scotland?

The fact that Scotland voted with 62% for the UK to remain a member of the EU whereas the majority of the overall UK electorate opted to leave the EU, raises important political and legal questions. Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that a second referendum on Scottish independence is on the table. What are the options for a continued EU membership of an independent Scotland?

Nach dem Brexit-Referendum: ein Fast Track zur deutschen Staatsbürgerschaft für bedrohte Unionsbürger!

Viele Britinnen und Briten verzweifeln regelrecht angesichts der Aussicht, ihren "grundlegenden Status" (EuGH) als Unionsbürger ohne ihr Zutun und Verschulden einbüßen zu müssen. Da die Unionsbürgerschaft an die Staatsangehörigkeit in einem EU-Mitgliedsstaat geknüpft ist, wäre es ein starkes Zeichen für die europäische Integration, für Mit-Unionsbürger, die vom Verlust dieses Status akut bedroht sind, einen eigens auf sie zugeschnittenen Tatbestand in § 10 StAG zu schaffen.

The EU General Data Protection Regulation: Powerful Tool for Data Subjects?

Two months ago, the European Parliament and the Council have enacted the European General Data Protection Regulation as the result of a 4 years running legislative procedure. For a long time, it was uncertain whether the regulation could be passed at all: Not only has there been considerable opposition by EU Member States, but there have also been about 4.000 amendments by Parliament, accompanied by an enormous engagement of lobby groups.

Transformation of EU Constitutionalism

The EU constitutionalism has been transformed. For the worse. The causes for that are well known. They are the sum of consecutive, unresolved financial, economic, political, humanitarian and security crises. This post is not interested into causal relationship between the crises. It centers instead on their aggregate negative outcome and the possible way ahead. It asks what exactly the EU constitutionalism, as a dominant narrative of European integration, has (d)evolved into and what can be done to fix its fissures?

Deutsche und Französische Verwaltungs­gerichtsbarkeit im europäischen Mehrebenensystem: ein Interview mit JEAN-MARC SAUVÉ und KLAUS RENNERT

Wie die Verfassungsgerichte in Europa zusammenarbeiten, darüber gibt es eine breite und intensive Debatte - aber wie sieht es mit den obersten Verwaltungsgerichten aus? Die obersten Repräsentanten des deutschen Bundesverwaltungsgerichts und des französischen Conseil d'Etat geben im Verfassungsblog-Interview Auskunft über Stand und Möglichkeiten ihrer Zusammenarbeit.