Rechtsvergleichende Verfassungsanalyse, Verfassungstransplantate und vergleichende Verfassungsrechtsprechung. Systematischer Vergleich von Verfassungssystemen, verfassungsrechtlichen Gestaltungsentscheidungen und Verfassungslösungen über verschiedene Rechtstraditionen und politische Systeme hinweg.
In recent weeks, the European Commission (‘EC’) has clearly shown that it has lost its patience with unruly Poland. The Polish government is obviously playing for time, deceiving and cheating Brussels about the implementation of the decisions of the European courts, only to obtain the European Commission’s acceptance of the Reconstruction Plan but also to prevent a motion being filed with the CJEU to impose financial sanctions for failing to implement the measures.
The UK Government’s Command Paper released on 21 July 2021 urges a renegotiation of the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, which forms part of the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement. The EU has already indicated that a renegotiation is out of the question. In fact, this blog post argues that it would be constitutionally impossible for the EU to agree to the UK’s proposals without agreeing to a radical revision of the Protocol that would endanger the achievement of its overall aims. In addition, the invocation of Article 16 (the safeguards clause) as discussed in the Command Paper would not resolve the underlying issues either and the UK Government knows this. But that leaves the question: What is the Command Paper really about?
On July 8, 2021, the Israeli Supreme Court rejected the petitions challenging Basic Law: Israel as the Nation of the Jewish People, enacted almost three years earlier. The so-called Hasson decision not only raises important questions about the relationship between legal and political struggles, it also calls into question the constitutional foundations of equality and democracy.
In the recent High Court decision on the legislation regarding the Northern Ireland Protocol, the court delivers a number of messages which are suitable to deepen divisions in Northern Ireland, and classes international treaties as merely political compromises not suitable for adjudication. If these views were confirmed before the UK Supreme Court, the EU or anyone else would be well advised to be very careful when concluding agreements with the UK, and to pay close attention to effective enforcement mechanisms beyond UK courts.
Five years after the Brexit referendum, the legal stalemate on the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland the impasse between the UK and the EU continues, despite the conclusion of the Withdrawal Agreement and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. While the concept of “state civil disobedience” could be applied to the UK government’s actions since, this is an inappropriate means to conceptualise the conflict. Instead, the more familiar concept of legally justified exceptions to obligations would have been a more appropriate means of pre-empting the dispute during the creation of the Protocol.
Der Karlsruher Klimabeschluss ist als Paradebeispiel internationaler Aufgeschlossenheit des Ersten Senats gepriesen worden. Aber wie offen und aufgeschlossen zeigte sich der Erste Senat dafür, seine Überlegungen zum Klimaschutz im transnationalen Rechtsdialog zu entwickeln?
State, federal and EU constitutional law and the emergence of black holes on the legal map of Europe
As the dust settles with a pro-independence - though not an SNP - majority in the Scottish Parliament after the May 2021 elections, it is worth considering what an independent Scotland’s (accelerated) path back to the EU could look like. Increasing the speed at which an independent Scotland could rejoin the EU is primarily an issue of political will and domestic preparation.
2021 marks the centennial of Turkey’s so-called ‘Constitution of 1921’. Interestingly, both academics and politicians, who don’t often see eye to eye, describe the document in praiseworthy terms. An interesting picture has emerged as a consequence: Two diametrically opposed worldviews (largely secular constitutional law scholars on the one end and AKP officials and supporters on the other, to put it crudely) drawing inspiration from the same document but with different motivations and in order to reach different outcomes.
The European Commission’s decision to commence legal proceedings against the United Kingdom for unilaterally extending certain grace periods for the movement of goods in contravention to the Northern Ireland Protocol is legally sound, but politically tricky. In legal terms, the decision to launch both infringement proceedings and take first steps towards arbitration is the most promising avenue towards UK compliance with the Protocol. Yet it brings with it a political risk of further escalating the tensions around the Protocol within Northern Ireland and between the EU and the UK.
13. September 2025
Giovanni Capoccia
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
12. September 2025
Anne Peters
BLOG