Dutch Court Halts F-35 Aircraft Deliveries for Israel

In a landmark decision, the Hague Court of Appeal ordered the Dutch government on 12 February 2024 to stop supplying Israel with F-35 fighter jet parts because there was a “clear risk” that serious violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) would be committed with the aircraft in Gaza. In their unanimous decision, the three judges relied on the European Union (EU) Common Position on Arms Exports and the Arms Trade Treaty as they apply to Dutch law, which outline criteria against which military exports must be assessed to determine the risk of abuse. The judgment made important findings on the nature of these risk assessments, which may have significant implications in future litigation.

Desperate Times, Desperate (Provisional) Measures

On 12 February 2024, South Africa requested the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to consider exercising its power under Article 75(1) of the Rules of Court to indicate provisional measures proprio motu against Israel. This is an extraordinary request by South Africa, coming less than three weeks after the Court indicated provisional measures against Israel on 26 January 2023. It is also very rare for the Court to act proprio motu, whether prompted by a state’s request or otherwise. South Africa’s latest request is a response to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s statement on 9 February that Israel is preparing a ground invasion of Rafah in the south of Gaza. How will the ICJ respond to South Africa’s request? In this regard, the method by which South Africa seeks the Court’s intervention merits attention.

Die Umwelt als ein vergessenes Kriegsopfer

Der Deutsche Bundestag wird Ende Februar 2024 die Reform des Völkerstrafgesetzbuchs (VStGB) beschließen, nachdem im November 2023 erstmalig der Entwurf im Bundestag gelesen wurde und Ende Januar 2024 eine öffentliche Anhörung stattfand. Einige Reformansätze bleiben jedoch außen vor. Eine bisher unberücksichtigte Forderung bezieht sich auf Kriegsverbrechen gegen die Umwelt, welche aktuell in § 11 Abs. 3 VStGB geregelt sind.

Christine de Pizan

In conversations on missing female voices in the traditional development of international law a repetitive argument given as an explanation for the absence of women as active designers and contributors to international law is that it was simply unusual to find women in certain professions at that time due to the assignment of gender roles and corresponding conduct and activities considered as adequate. There is certainly a great deal of truth in this explanation. Nevertheless, the argument that the absence of women was a normal side effect of the traditional social circumstances at that time could also serve as an excuse to overlook, ignore and make women invisible, who have actually played a crucial role as active designers of the international legal order. One of them is Christine de Pizan.

Why Nicaragua’s Article 62 Intervention in South Africa v. Israel is Potentially Unhelpful

On 23 January 2024, Nicaragua applied for permission to intervene in the case concerning Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel). Nicaragua's application will drag proceedings out one way or another. Potentially it means the Court must hear and decide upon a third version of events, clouding South Africa’s original case. If this case is really about addressing what the Court described as a ‘human tragedy’ in Gaza and not just about political point-scoring, Nicaragua, by trying to help, may just have made things worse.

UNRWA as Sui Generis

Since UNRWA preemptively disclosed Israel’s claim to have evidence that 12 UNRWA employees participated in the 7 October 2023 attacks, at least 16 donor states and the European Union, which collectively supply the vast majority of the Agency’s budget, have suspended their contributions. This poses an existential threat to UNRWA, the largest provider of humanitarian assistance in Gaza. This post explains how the current episode displays the unsatisfactory sui generis status of UNRWA’s Palestinian staff, and forms part of an ongoing and largely successful attempt to position UNRWA as a compromised, sui generis UN organisation which constitutes an outlier in the law and practice of the United Nations.

Bricolage, Bullshit, and Bustle

On 15 December 2023, the Swiss Federal Council (Government) announced that it intended to start formal negotiations with the EU on the conclusion of a Framework Agreement (FA) 2.0. Five existing and two new treaties between the EU and Switzerland are to be subject to dynamic alignment and institutionalised, i.e. provided with a monitoring and judicial mechanism. The project, which is practically fixed in the decisive questions by a “Common Understanding” (“CU”) between the two parties, is based on a triple B approach: in substance, it consists of unsuccessful bricolage, the foundations were laid by bullshit, and because elections and a change of the Commission are imminent in the EU, bustle is supposedly of the essence. The CU summarizes what the Parties have informally agreed on.

An Unfortunate Trend of Vagueness

The German Government is planning to change the procedural and substantive legal framework on international criminal law in Germany, with an expert hearing having taken placed on 31 January 2024 before the German Parliament’s (Deutscher Bundestag) Legal Affairs Committee. One aspect appears to have been totally neglected by the current draft proposal: the issue of functional immunity from foreign criminal jurisdiction in case of core crime charges. In this post, I highlight an ambiguity regarding the personal scope of functional immunity arising from German case law which the German Government and Parliament should take the opportunity to clarify with the current reform proposal. This is particularly important given that the ambiguity appears to have traveled to other jurisdictions as illustrated by the case of Ziada v. Netherlands.

South Africa v Israel: A Solomonic Decision as »Constructive Ambiguity«

In its wise Order of 26 January 2024, the ICJ managed to make a virtue out of a necessity: Israel was not prohibited from continuing its combat operations but was reminded of its strict compliance with international humanitarian law and its obligation to avoid genocide. At the same time, the ICJ reiterated the requirement to respect the most fundamental rights and the core of humanitarian law to all warring factions. Despite still essentially being a court for inter-state disputes – it put the individual, the human being, at the centre. Henceforth, the ICJ’s order of provisional measures is a Solomonic decision at its best and a further step towards the “humanization of international law”.

Intervention auf Irrwegen

Am 29.12.2023 reichte Südafrika Klage vor dem Internationalen Gerichtshof (IGH) gegen Israel wegen Verstößen gegen die Völkermordkonvention im Gazastreifen ein. Zusätzlich zum Hauptsacheantrag begehrte Südafrika im einstweiligen Rechtsschutz den Erlass von vorsorglichen Maßnahmen („Provisional Measures“), auf die sich auch die zweitägige Anhörung der Parteien bezog. Am zweiten Tag der Anhörungen verkündete Deutschland, zugunsten Israels zu intervenieren, mit der Begründung, der Vorwurf des Völkermords entbehre jeder Grundlage. Neben einer Zusammenfassung der Parteivorträge und der Eilrechtsschutzentscheidung des IGH vom 26.1.2024 beleuchtet der Beitrag die deutsche Rolle im Hauptsacheverfahren. Vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Entscheidung wie auch der Pluralität deutscher historischer Verantwortung droht die geplante Intervention der Glaubwürdigkeit Deutschlands im multilateralen System weiter zu schaden und die Universalität des Völkerrechts auszuhöhlen.